What's driving the decline in entrepreneurship?
What this paper finds — and why it matters
The entrepreneurship rate in the United States—defined as the share of the labor force who own and actively manage a business with at least ten employees—declined by 26% between 1987 and 2015, a decline mirrored in the firm entry rate and not explained by compositional changes in the economy or driven by a small number of sectors. This paper addresses what caused this broad-based decline using Current Population Survey data, two new empirical facts, and a dynamic general equilibrium model of occupational choice. The first new fact is that the decline was larger for higher-education groups (35% for those with more than a college degree versus 2.4% for those without a high-school diploma), indicating that the driving force is not skill-neutral. The second new fact is that the size distribution of entrepreneur firms has been stable, so the entrepreneurship decline represents a shrinkage of the entrepreneurial sector relative to the economy. Estimating the contribution of four candidate explanations—skill-biased technical change (SBTC), increasing regulation, technology-driven increases in fixed and entry costs, and technology-driven productivity advantages for large firms—the paper finds that increasing entry costs account for most of the decline in both the entrepreneurship share and the firm entry rate, with empirical evidence pointing to both regulation and technology as sources of these higher costs.
Summary of a forthcoming paper, AI-assisted and human-reviewed. See the linked original for the authoritative claims and full conditions.
Q1. What does the model of occupational choice capture, and how are the explanations identified?
The dynamic general equilibrium model allows individuals to choose between working as an employee (earning wages) and being an entrepreneur (paying fixed and entry costs, then operating a firm); the model generates predictions about the entrepreneurship rate, firm entry rate, and the distribution of entrepreneur firm sizes across groups, which the data discipline. By requiring the model to match changes in entrepreneurship along multiple dimensions—including the education-gradient fact and the stable size distribution—the author can separately identify the contribution of each candidate mechanism. SBTC operates through wages (raising opportunity cost of entrepreneurship for skilled workers); entry-cost increases reduce the number of new entrepreneurs regardless of skill; productivity advantages for large firms shift the size distribution; and regulation/technology-driven fixed-cost increases reduce incumbent-entrepreneur survival.
Q2. Why does skill-biased technical change fail to explain the level decline?
SBTC raises wages for high-skill workers, which could in principle explain why fewer of them choose entrepreneurship; and indeed SBTC is found to have tilted entrepreneurship toward less-educated people. However, SBTC cannot explain the decline in the aggregate entrepreneurship rate because: it does not reduce the incentive to be an entrepreneur for lower-skill workers (who are relatively unaffected), and the stable size distribution of entrepreneur firms is inconsistent with SBTC (which would tend to shift composition rather than reduce overall entrepreneurship). The model confirms that SBTC explains the education gradient but contributes little to the overall level decline.
Q3. What is the role of entry costs, and what drives them?
Increasing entry costs are found to explain most of the decline in the share of people who are entrepreneurs and most of the decline in the firm entry rate; the data also reject the hypothesis that entry-cost increases were accompanied by large changes in entrepreneur firm size, consistent with the observed stability of the size distribution. Empirical evidence suggests two sources of higher entry costs: increasing regulation (occupational licensing, tax-code complexity, zoning restrictions) and technology changes that increase the fixed investments required to operate (e.g., adoption of IT systems). The paper does not fully separate these two sources but presents evidence consistent with both operating simultaneously.
Q4. What is the role of increasing productivity of large firms?
Increasing productivity of large, non-entrepreneurial (e.g., publicly listed) firms matters little for the entrepreneurship rate or the firm entry rate, but has driven most of the reallocation of labor away from entrepreneur businesses. This is because the productivity advantage of large firms shifts the scale of production without necessarily changing who becomes an entrepreneur, largely leaving the extensive margin of entrepreneurship intact while reducing the share of aggregate economic activity attributable to the entrepreneurial sector.
Key concepts
entrepreneurship rate : the share of the labor force who own and actively manage a business with at least ten employees, the paper’s main measure of entrepreneurship, which declined 26% from 1987 to 2015 in the CPS data.
entry costs : the one-time costs required to establish a new entrepreneurial business; the paper finds these rose over the sample period due to both regulation and technology, and identifies them as the primary driver of the entrepreneurship decline.