The Purchasing Power Parity Puzzle
📄 Summarized from the full manuscript · Human-reviewed for faithfulness before publication
In brief
If a dollar buys more or less abroad than relative prices say it 'should,' that gap is supposed to close as traders arbitrage it away. This 1996 survey lays out the puzzle: in practice these price gaps are huge and bounce around as much as exchange rates themselves, yet they take three to five years, on average, to even halve. That's too fast for a story of permanent real differences between countries, and too slow for a story of temporary nominal shocks. Rogoff's own answer is that international goods markets, while increasingly connected, are still far less tightly linked than markets within a single country.
What this paper finds — and why it matters
This 1996 Journal of Economic Literature survey by Kenneth Rogoff states the purchasing power parity (PPP) puzzle as a reconciliation problem: the empirical literature finds that real exchange rates are enormously volatile in the short run – their one-month conditional volatility is “of the same order of magnitude as the conditional volatility of nominal exchange rates” – yet deviations from PPP damp out only very slowly, at a consensus rate of roughly 15 percent per year, implying a half-life of three to five years. Reviewing the law-of-one-price literature, Rogoff reports that deviations from price equality are large and systematically correlated with exchange rates even for narrowly defined, highly traded goods, and that these international price differentials are far more volatile than price differentials for dissimilar goods within the same country, or across cities on the same side of a border – evidence, he argues, of genuine market segmentation. He surveys three modifications to long-run PPP – the Balassa-Samuelson productivity-differential hypothesis, current-account-driven wealth transfers, and government-spending effects – and judges each empirically real but “not nearly robust or universal enough to fully supplant purchasing power parity as a theory of the long-run real exchange rate.” Rogoff concludes that short-run volatility is best explained by monetary and financial shocks operating through sticky nominal prices, but that this explanation sits uneasily with a three-to-five-year half-life, since monetary neutrality implies such shocks should become irrelevant well before then; his own resolution is that international goods markets, while increasingly integrated, “remain quite segmented, with large trading frictions across a broad range of goods,” so that exchange rates can move substantially within a wide band before triggering the arbitrage that would equalize prices.
Summary of a classic paper, AI-assisted and human-reviewed. See the linked original for the authoritative claims and full conditions.
Questions & answers
Q1. How does Rogoff state the “purchasing power parity puzzle,” and why is it a puzzle rather than just a well-known empirical failure?
Rogoff frames the puzzle as a reconciliation problem: real exchange rates are extremely volatile in the short run – “the one-month conditional volatility of real exchange rates… is of the same order of magnitude as the conditional volatility of nominal exchange rates” – yet “consensus estimates suggest… that the speed of convergence to PPP is extremely slow; deviations appear to damp out at a rate of roughly 15 percent per year.” It is a puzzle, not merely a failure, because the two facts pull in opposite directions: an explanation built on short-term nominal rigidities should produce fast reversion once prices adjust, while an explanation built on persistent real shocks should not generate this much short-run volatility in the first place.
Q2. What evidence does the paper cite on the empirical failure of the law of one price, and how large are the documented deviations?
Rogoff reports that “study after study has found that deviations from the law of one price are remarkably volatile across a surprisingly broad range of goods,” citing evidence from Isard (1977), Richardson (1978), and Giovannini (1988) on apparel, chemicals, paper, glass products and even “commodity manufactures” such as screws, nuts and bolts, where price differentials are “large, persistent, and to a significant extent simply reflect nominal exchange rate movements.” His Big Mac price table (1995 data) shows prices ranging “from $5.20 in Switzerland at the high end to $1.05 in China at the low end,” while gold prices across major markets stay within a fraction of a percent of each other – illustrating that the law of one price “does hold very well” for some highly traded commodities but that “commodities where the deviations… damp out very quickly are the exception rather than the rule.”
Q3. What does the comparison of international and intranational price volatility show about whether borders matter independently of distance?
Engel and Rogers (1995), using fourteen categories of disaggregated consumer prices for 23 U.S. and Canadian cities, find that “even after controlling for distance, there remains a dramatic difference in relative price volatility when one compares two cities on opposite sides of the border versus two cities on the same side of the border,” an effect “equivalent to adding anywhere between 2,500 to 23,000 miles between cities.” Engel’s (1993) comparison of relative-price volatility for similar goods across the U.S.-Canada border versus dissimilar goods within either country similarly finds that, in over 2,000 pairwise comparisons, “the relative prices of very similar goods across the U.S. and Canada are much more volatile than the relative prices of very different goods within either country” – evidence Rogoff reads as a genuine border/segmentation effect, not simply a transportation-distance effect.
Q4. What does the long-horizon historical evidence (spanning centuries) show about whether the PPP puzzle is a modern, floating-exchange-rate phenomenon?
Froot, Kim and Rogoff’s (1995) study of grain and dairy prices in Holland and England from the fourteenth through the twentieth centuries finds that “the volatility of deviations from the law of one price, even among highly traded goods such as grains, has been remarkably stable over the centuries,” a result “quite robust to the choice of detrending methods.” Rogoff draws the inference that “any explanation of the PPP puzzle must not rely too heavily on institutional factors peculiar to the twentieth century” – ruling out, for instance, an explanation resting solely on the post-1973 shift to floating nominal exchange rates.
Q5. Why was the inability to reject a random walk in real exchange rates considered “embarrassing,” and how did Frankel’s (1986, 1990) long-horizon approach address it?
Early unit-root tests on post-1973 floating-rate data could not reject a random walk in real exchange rates, which Rogoff calls “something of an embarrassment” because “every reasonable theoretical model suggests that there should be at least some temporary component to PPP deviations,” given that long-run monetary neutrality implies monetary shocks’ real effects should eventually die out. Frankel argued the problem was low statistical power – if PPP deviations damp out slowly enough, “it may require many decades of data” to reject a unit root reliably – and, using annual dollar/pound data for 1869-1984, rejected the random walk with an estimated 14 percent annual decay rate, “implying a half-life for PPP deviations of 4.6 years.”
Q6. What is the “consensus” half-life estimate that emerges from the long-horizon and cross-country literatures, and what caveats does Rogoff attach to it?
Across long-horizon studies (Abuaf and Jorion 1990, Glen 1992, Diebold-Husted-Rush 1991, Lothian and Taylor) and cross-country panel studies (Frankel and Rose 1995b), “the consensus among these studies on the half-life of PPP deviations is remarkable (three to five years).” Rogoff flags two caveats: first, these estimates typically “blend fixed and floating rate data,” whose econometric implications of pooling are unclear, though Lothian and Taylor’s Chow test cannot reject equal convergence rates before and after 1973; second, nearly all these exchange-rate pairs involve countries that have been high-income throughout the sample, so “this raises the question of whether PPP will hold across two countries with sharply differing growth experiences” – a question connected to the Balassa-Samuelson effect.
Q7. What is the Balassa-Samuelson mechanism, and what empirical support does Rogoff report for it?
The Balassa-Samuelson hypothesis holds that rich countries have systematically higher exchange-rate-converted price levels than poor countries because rich countries are relatively more productive in the traded-goods sector specifically; a rise in traded-sector productivity raises wages economy-wide, and since non-traded producers must match those wages without a matching productivity gain, non-traded (and overall) prices rise, raising the real exchange rate. Rogoff reports “substantial empirical support for the Balassa-Samuelson hypothesis, especially in comparisons between very poor and very rich countries, and in time series data for a select number of countries, including especially Japan,” but notes that “whether traded goods productivity bias is of broader importance in explaining real exchange rates across industrialized countries remains a matter of some debate,” since industrialized countries also show long-run convergence to PPP “notwithstanding” the Balassa-Samuelson effect.
Q8. What do current-account and government-spending-based modifications to PPP add, and how robust does Rogoff judge them?
Current-account deficits are empirically correlated with long-run real depreciation over five-to-ten-year horizons (Obstfeld and Rogoff 1995a document this across fifteen OECD countries for 1981-1990), but Rogoff stresses “correlation does not imply causation,” since “virtually any correlation between the current account and the real exchange rate can be easily rationalized” theoretically. Government spending is also found to raise the real exchange rate (Froot and Rogoff 1991, among EMS countries) because it “tends to fall more heavily on nontraded goods,” but Rogoff argues any such demand effect “must be transitory” given sufficient long-run factor mobility. Overall, he concludes “the three modifications to PPP discussed… are useful in some circumstances but are not nearly robust or universal enough to fully supplant purchasing power parity as a theory of the long-run real exchange rate.”
Q9. What do multivariate VAR studies suggest about how much of real exchange rate volatility is due to monetary versus real shocks, and why does Rogoff see this evidence as still inconclusive?
Clarida and Gali (1994) estimate that monetary shocks account for roughly 45 percent of the forecast-error variance of the dollar-DM real rate and 34 percent for the yen-dollar rate over the floating-rate era; Rogers (1995), using 130 years of U.S.-U.K. data, finds real shocks account for roughly half the one-year forecast error. Rogoff treats this research as “promising but still at an early stage,” noting it is “difficult to justify identifying as a demand shift any shock with only a transitory effect on the real exchange rate, especially if the effect is highly persistent,” and that both studies rest on “the somewhat anachronistic Mundell-Fleming-Dornbusch IS-LM framework, rather than a modern sticky-price intertemporal model.”
Q10. What is Rogoff’s own concluding explanation for the PPP puzzle?
Rogoff concludes that “international goods markets, though becoming more integrated all the time, remain quite segmented, with large trading frictions across a broad range of goods,” due to transportation costs, tariff and non-tariff barriers, information costs, and limited labor mobility, which together create “a large buffer within which nominal exchange rates can move without producing an immediate proportional response in relative domestic prices.” He calls this “not an entirely comfortable conclusion,” since it does not pin down a single mechanism, but states “for now there is no really satisfactory alternative explanation to the purchasing power parity puzzle” – international goods markets, in his words, are “highly integrated, but not yet nearly as integrated as domestic goods markets.”
Key terms in this paper
Definitions below follow the paper's own usage.
- Law of one price (LOP)
- the proposition that "once prices are converted to a common currency, the same good should sell for the same price in different countries" -- the "basic building block for any variation of purchasing power parity," which the paper shows is empirically violated, persistently and in a way correlated with exchange rates, for the great majority of goods studied.
- Purchasing power parity (PPP) puzzle
- Rogoff's name for the specific tension the paper documents -- that short-run real exchange rate volatility is "of the same order of magnitude" as nominal exchange rate volatility, while deviations from PPP damp out only slowly, at a consensus rate of about 15 percent a year (a three-to-five-year half-life) -- too fast to be explained by persistent real shocks alone, and too slow to be explained by monetary shocks under standard assumptions of medium-run monetary neutrality.
- Balassa-Samuelson effect
- the hypothesis, following Balassa (1964) and Samuelson (1964), that countries relatively more productive in traded goods will, in equilibrium, have higher wages and hence higher non-traded (and overall) price levels once converted to a common currency, since non-traded producers must match traded-sector wage gains without a corresponding productivity gain of their own.