Shocks
📄 Summarized from the full manuscript · Human-reviewed for faithfulness before publication
In brief
What causes recessions? Cochrane reviews the evidence for the leading candidates -- monetary policy, technology, oil-price, and credit shocks -- and finds none robustly explains most of the variation in U.S. output; estimates swing wildly, often from near 0% to over 80%, depending on which statistic, specification, or detrending method is used. Shocks to consumption and output themselves -- essentially unexplained "news" -- account for the largest and most stable share. Cochrane shows it is theoretically possible, though harder than commonly assumed, to build models where such news drives genuine business cycles; if that view is right, economists may never be able to name the shocks that cause recessions.
What this paper finds — and why it matters
Cochrane surveys the empirical evidence for the leading candidate shocks behind postwar U.S. business cycles – monetary policy, technology, oil prices, and credit – and concludes that none of them robustly accounts for the bulk of output fluctuations, while unforecastable movements in endogenous variables like consumption and output themselves explain a large and comparatively stable 50-70% of output variation. Working mostly through VARs, he shows for monetary shocks that estimated contributions to output variance range from as high as 82% in simple specifications down to under 10% once more “level” variables (consumption, hours), alternative orderings, and long-run restrictions are imposed, with virtually no explanatory power at horizons under a year; he argues the largest credible estimate is around 15-25% at a two-to-three-year horizon, tenuous even then. For technology shocks, Prescott’s famous calculation that 70% of output variance is technology-driven proves to be extremely sensitive to sampling error, the choice of statistic (variance decomposition versus long-horizon forecastability versus Beveridge-Nelson-detrended variance), and the production-function specification, with several re-calculations – inspired by Blanchard-Quah, Rotemberg-Woodford, and Christiano – pushing the figure down toward a small fraction of a percent; the concept of a “technology shock” is also shown, following Hansen and Prescott’s own broadening of the term, to risk becoming vacuous, standing in for essentially any distortion that lowers measured output given capital and labor. Oil-price and credit shocks receive briefer treatment and are found quantitatively too small (each explaining well under 20% of output variance in Cochrane’s VARs) despite genuine, if modest, supporting descriptive evidence. Faced with this shortfall, Cochrane examines whether unobservable “consumption” or “news” shocks – information individual agents have about their own prospects that, aggregated, forecasts future aggregate activity – can generate genuine business-cycle dynamics; he shows that a standard real-business-cycle model does not naturally produce consumption-led downturns from good news (news of future productivity growth instead triggers an immediate consumption rise and a decline in current output and labor), but that adding an explicit persistent news-shock process, or feeding VAR-based technology forecasts through the model, can reproduce the data’s characteristic transitory-output, forecastable-growth pattern. He closes by noting that if this news-shock view is correct, economists may remain permanently unable to name the true underlying causes of business cycle fluctuations.
Summary of a classic paper, AI-assisted and human-reviewed. See the linked original for the authoritative claims and full conditions.
Questions & answers
Q1. What motivates the paper, and what four recurring “themes” organize its review of the evidence?
Cochrane opens from a 1993 AEA session in which prominent macroeconomists tried to explain “what caused the 1990 recession?” and “came up empty-handed,” reviewing a long list of candidates and largely disagreeing (Section 1). He organizes his own review around four themes: (1) identifying and evaluating a shock’s effect is never atheoretical – “one’s view of the propagation mechanism…is crucially important” and results “can change drastically” across theoretical perspectives; (2) the choice of statistic (variance decompositions, Hodrick-Prescott-filtered variance, Beveridge-Nelson-filtered variance, etc.) is “crucially important” and can give “drastically different results”; (3) economic agents have far more information than econometricians, so “what is a shock to us may be known by them”; and (4) certain “level” variables – the consumption/output ratio, M2 velocity, term spreads, hours – forecast long-horizon output with R-squared values of 60% or more (Section 1).
Q2. What methodological warnings does Cochrane raise before presenting any results?
Five: (1) genuinely exogenous shocks are rare, since policy responds to the economy and even “technology” and prices are increasingly treated as endogenous in the growth and RBC literatures, leaving “only the weather” truly exogenous; (2) shock and propagation-mechanism analysis cannot be separated, since “shocks are only visible if we specify something about how they propagate to observable variables”; (3) identifying which shock “accounts for” fluctuations often has limited policy content, since a shock (e.g., oil prices) can operate entirely through another actor’s response (e.g., the Fed), making the causal story about the second actor, not the first; (4) shock-identification procedures are vulnerable to agents’ superior information (his analogy: “the weather forecast Granger-causes the weather, but shooting the weatherman won’t produce a sunny weekend”); and (5) most of the paper implicitly treats booms and busts as draws from the same linear process, not a qualitatively distinct nonlinear phenomenon (Section 2).
Q3. What does Cochrane find about how much output variance monetary shocks explain, and how does the answer change as VAR specifications are refined?
In simple VARs (e.g., an M2-output-price VAR), monetary shocks appear to explain dramatic fractions of output variance – up to 82% at a three-year horizon for M2 – but “the output response is surprisingly drawn out,” peaking two to three years after the shock and appearing nearly permanent, which does not match qualitative monetary theory (Section 3.1). As more “level” variables (consumption, hours) are added, orderings are refined, and cointegrating relationships (M2 velocity, the consumption/output ratio) are imposed so the impulse responses start to look like genuine, transitory monetary dynamics, the estimated output-variance share falls steadily – to roughly 15-25% at two-to-three-year horizons in Cochrane’s preferred error-correction specification, and below 10% once hours are included or the specification is otherwise tightened (Sections 3.1.3-3.1.6). Across M1, federal funds, and nonborrowed-reserve-ratio shocks, Cochrane finds the same qualitative pattern, and notes that all specifications explain “very little output variance at horizons less than a year, where…short-run non-neutrality is most likely to show up” (Section 3.6). His overall verdict: “monetary policy shock[s] account for at most 20% of the variation in output,” and likely much less once sampling and specification uncertainty are taken into account (Section 1, Section 3.6).
Q4. Why does Cochrane say consumption “drives out” the monetary variables in long-horizon forecasting?
In horse-race regressions forecasting three-year output growth, “the consumption/output ratio has the highest t-statistic and…R-squared, 0.63,” and when federal funds or M2/output are entered jointly with the consumption/output ratio, “consumption drives out federal funds [and M2] as a forecaster of output” – their coefficients become insignificant and much smaller once consumption is included (Section 3.5, Table 3.7). Cochrane notes the consumption-based forecasts are also more contemporaneous with actual output growth, whereas the federal-funds-rate forecast leads it – evidence, in his reading, that the “level variable” property common to both consumption and monetary aggregates, not something specifically monetary, is doing much of the forecasting work attributed to money in the simpler VARs (Section 3.1.2, 3.5).
Q5. Beyond variance decompositions, what does Cochrane say about whether systematic (as opposed to shock-driven) monetary policy matters?
He distinguishes “how much output variance is due to monetary policy shocks?” from “how much output variance is due to monetary policy?”, noting variance decompositions “cannot be negative” and so are poorly suited to capturing systematic policy’s stabilizing role – for example, if the Fed has learned to systematically offset real shocks, “a negative fraction of output variance is due to monetary policy,” a possibility the standard VAR toolkit cannot even express (Section 3.7). He argues the persistent output responses found throughout his monetary VARs are “hard to swallow” as purely delayed responses to unanticipated shocks, and are more plausibly consistent with a world where anticipated, systematic monetary policy has short-lived real effects – in which case “the study of systematic monetary policy…may be more important to macroeconomics than an assessment of how much output can be further stabilized by making monetary policy more predictable” (Section 3.7).
Q6. How robust is Prescott’s famous 70% technology-shock estimate to changes in method?
Not robust at all: Eichenbaum’s bootstrap of the calibration procedure finds the estimate of technology’s explained variance share is “0.78 with a standard error of 0.64,” and Cochrane shows the figure is also highly sensitive to which moments are matched in calibration, to whether output-technology correlation is imposed structurally (real business cycle models are “stochastically singular”), and to measurement error (Section 4). Reworking the calculation using long-horizon output-growth forecastability instead of Hodrick-Prescott-filtered variance, Cochrane finds that because the standard King-Plosser-Rebelo model’s output is nearly unforecastable while actual U.S. output has substantial forecastable (“business cycle”) variation, “technology shocks explain 0.002% or less of business cycle variation in output”; using Beveridge-Nelson detrending instead of Hodrick-Prescott gives a similarly tiny figure, “0.009% or less” (Sections 4.1.3-4.1.4).
Q7. What happens to the “technology shock” concept once Cochrane and others allow it to be interpreted broadly?
Following Plosser and, more explicitly, Hansen and Prescott, “anything that causes output to vary given capital and labor will result in a Solow residual, and hence will be identified as a ’technology shock’” – including labor or capital hoarding, taxes, regulatory frictions, or “changes in the inefficiencies induced by policy” (Section 4.4, quoting Hansen and Prescott 1993). Cochrane’s conclusion is double-edged: this broadening is “good news” for RBC methodology, since it lets the framework eventually incorporate explicit tax, monetary, and credit distortions within dynamic general-equilibrium models, but it is “obviously bad news for the view that technology shocks, narrowly defined, are the source of fluctuations,” since under this interpretation “it is vacuous to say that technology shocks cause fluctuations” (Section 4.4, 4.5).
Q8. What does the paper find about oil-price and credit shocks?
Simple VARs using the crude-petroleum producer price index show oil-price innovations do produce sustained output declines, “however, the magnitude of the declines is much smaller than the declines produced by output or consumption shocks,” and “less than 10% of the variance of output is explained by oil price shocks” (Section 5.1); related general-equilibrium estimates cited by Cochrane (Kim and Loungani; Finn) find comparable ranges of roughly 7-19%. He notes the standard “small input” objection – imported oil is too small a share of GDP for classical production theory to generate large output effects from oil-price changes – applies with equal force to money, motivating ongoing work on explicit-friction models for both. On credit, Cochrane finds “credit shocks do not seem to explain a large part of postwar US output fluctuations”: most empirical credit research targets an amplification channel for other shocks rather than an independent credit shock, the estimated financing-constraint effects are concentrated in small firms too minor to explain aggregate swings, and Ramey’s survey shows “monetary aggregates drive credit indicators out of VARs similar to those discussed above” (Section 5.2).
Q9. Why doesn’t a standard real-business-cycle model naturally generate a “consumption-led recession” from news about the future?
Simulating the King-Plosser-Rebelo model’s response to news that a 1% permanent technology improvement will occur in one year, Cochrane shows “consumption rises instantly,” but because output has not yet changed and wages have not risen, workers respond to their now-higher wealth by working less; with labor down and technology/capital unchanged, “current output…also goes down,” and investment “declines so much I couldn’t fit it on the graph” – so “news of a future improvement in technology sets off a recession…in the standard real business cycle model” (Section 6.1). He reports this qualitative result is robust across variations including investment adjustment costs, variable labor effort, and variable capital utilization – meaning the “obvious” story of good news raising both consumption and investment together does not survive standard general-equilibrium logic, since in these models an increase in consumption today must be met by a corresponding decline in investment or output absent an actual current change in productive capacity.
Q10. How does Cochrane get a news-driven model to reproduce the data’s actual consumption-output dynamics?
Adding an explicit news-shock process – a small but very persistent signal of future technology improvement, alongside a standard random-walk technology shock – to the King-Plosser-Rebelo model, Cochrane shows the resulting simulated consumption-output VAR reproduces the empirical pattern of a large transitory component in output (75-95% of output forecast-error variance across one-to-three-year horizons, comparable to the roughly 63-89% found in the actual U.S. consumption-output VAR) alongside a mostly-permanent component in consumption (Section 6.2, Tables 6.1-6.2, compared with Table 4.1). He also shows that feeding a VAR-estimated (rather than hand-specified) technology-forecast process through the same RBC model, following a method suggested by King and Watson, produces a similarly data-consistent pattern (Section 6.3) – though he cautions that news shocks cannot resolve every discrepancy, since the model’s first-order conditions still impose an exact relationship among output, labor, and consumption that a three-variable VAR of the actual economy does not share (stochastic singularity, Section 6.4).
Q11. What is Cochrane’s overall conclusion, and what would it mean if the “consumption shock” (news) view turns out to be correct?
“I find that none of the popular candidates for observable shocks robustly accounts for the bulk of business cycle fluctuations in output” (Section 7). He lays out three live possibilities going forward: newer candidates (oil reallocation, credit, nonlinear dynamics) or new propagation mechanisms (noncompetitive models, lending channels) might eventually be fleshed out to rehabilitate traditional shocks; real-business-cycle theorists might refine their models to generate more forecastable dynamics and amplification; or consumption and output may in fact move on news economists cannot observe. He is explicit that this last possibility “at least explains our persistent ignorance, but it means that we may forever be ignorant of the true shocks that drive fluctuations” – while stressing this is not a vacuous or unfalsifiable claim, since “models that explain business cycle dynamics with news shocks must be constructed and matched to data just like other models,” and standard RBC models, as Section 6.1 shows, do not do so automatically (Section 7).
Key terms in this paper
Definitions below follow the paper's own usage.
- Specification/statistic sensitivity of shock-accounting results
- Cochrane's recurring finding that measures of how much output variation a given candidate shock "explains" swing enormously -- often between roughly 0% and 80-100% for the same shock -- depending on the statistic used (variance decomposition horizon, Hodrick-Prescott-filtered variance, Beveridge-Nelson-detrended variance, long-horizon forecast R-squared), the VAR's variable list and ordering, and the detrending method, so that "specification uncertainty, choice of statistic, and sampling variation are as much of the story as point estimates" (Introduction).
- Propagation-mechanism dependence of shock identification
- the paper's "Theme 1": that identifying and evaluating the effect of a candidate shock is never a purely atheoretical exercise, because "one's view of the propagation mechanism, or economic theory, is crucially important for identifying shocks and evaluating their effect on output," and results "can change drastically as one views the data in the perspective of more or different theoretical views" (Section 1).
- Information-advantage problem
- the paper's "Theme 3": that economic agents observe far more information than is contained in any econometrician's VAR, so that "what is a shock to us may be known by them" -- meaning apparently exogenous residuals from a small forecasting model may simply reflect agents' superior information rather than a genuine structural disturbance, a point Cochrane uses throughout to qualify every shock-identification exercise in the paper (Section 1, Section 2).
- Consumption ("news") shocks
- Cochrane's proposed resolution to the failure of observable shocks to explain fluctuations: that consumption and output move on news individual agents possess about their own idiosyncratic prospects (e.g., a factory closing) which, in aggregate, reveals information about future aggregate activity even though "neither consumers in the economy nor economists who study it can name what the crucial pieces of information are" (Section 6); he shows standard real-business-cycle models do not naturally generate consumption-led downturns from such news, but that adding an explicit news-shock process can reproduce the data's transitory-output pattern.