Racial Disparities in Housing Returns

Layer 1 — Overview

Research Question

This paper estimates the racial/ethnic gap in realized housing returns using administrative data on individual housing transactions, and investigates the mechanisms that generate those gaps. The central question is: why do Black and Hispanic homeowners accumulate less housing wealth than White homeowners, even as minority homeownership rates have risen substantially over the last century?

Data and Methodology

The authors merge three primary data sources. First, a nationwide panel of residential property records from ATTOM covering 146.8 million arm’s-length home purchases from 1990 to 2020, which records transaction prices, mortgage characteristics, and property-level identifiers. Second, Home Mortgage Disclosure Act (HMDA) records, which contain self-reported race and ethnicity for mortgage applicants. Third, supplementary administrative sources including McDash mortgage servicing records, Equifax credit bureau data, Fannie Mae/Freddie Mac/ABSNet modification records, and the Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP). After applying sample restrictions — including requiring an observed purchase price, a linked HMDA record, an arm’s-length repeat sale, a combined loan-to-value ratio of at most 102.5%, and an ownership spell of at least 12 months — the baseline analysis sample comprises 13.6 million ownership spells for Black, Hispanic, and White homeowners who purchased homes with a mortgage between 1990 and 2016 in 40 states. Ownership spells unsold by March 2020 have their value imputed using the FHFA county-level house price index, a procedure that is conservative in that it understates racial gaps.

The authors construct two complementary return measures. The unlevered return compares the annualized ratio of sale price to purchase price. The levered return (internal rate of return) sets the net present value of all homeowner cash flows — down payment, monthly mortgage payments, implicit rent, maintenance, taxes, insurance, transaction costs, and limited liability in foreclosure — equal to zero.

Main Findings

Among mortgaged home purchases, mean annual unlevered returns are 0.5% for Black homeowners, 0.6% for Hispanic homeowners, and 2.8% for White homeowners, implying Black-White and Hispanic-White gaps of approximately 2.3 percentage points per year. Mean annual levered returns are 1.6%, −3.0%, and 6.6% for Black, Hispanic, and White homeowners respectively, yielding gaps of 5.0 and 9.6 percentage points. After adjusting for the approximately one-fourth of purchases made in cash (for which no racial gap is found), preferred estimates of the unlevered gap are 1.9 (Black-White) and 1.4 (Hispanic-White) percentage points.

Distressed sales — foreclosures and short sales — statistically account for the entire gap in returns. Within non-distressed sales, the Black-White gap in annual unlevered returns falls to less than 40 basis points, and the Hispanic-White gap reverses sign. Two distinct factors drive the role of distressed sales: (1) Black and Hispanic homeowners are approximately twice as likely as White homeowners to experience a distressed sale, and (2) minority homeowners live in neighborhoods where distressed sale price discounts are larger — estimated at 39%–40% for Black and Hispanic homeowners versus 28% for White homeowners. A Blinder-Oaxaca decomposition indicates that equalizing distressed sale rates (holding the distressed sale penalty fixed) would eliminate 84.6% of the Black-White unlevered returns gap and 133.6% of the Hispanic-White gap, confirming that the frequency margin dominates the severity margin.

A counterfactual wealth-accumulation exercise using PSID data shows that equalizing housing returns reduces the Black-White gap in housing wealth at retirement by 37%. Equalizing first-time purchase rates reduces the gap by only 1%, illustrating that promoting homeownership without addressing the returns gap is largely ineffective. Equalizing both returns and purchase rates reduces the gap by 49%.

Mechanisms

Approximately one-third of the gap in unlevered returns can be explained by purchase year and county fixed effects, with much of this timing effect attributable to the Great Recession. Controlling additionally for income, family structure, gender, and leverage reduces the gap by a further ~0.3 percentage points, leaving a substantial residual. About half of the racial gap in mortgage default can be attributed to observable credit risk (family structure, income, leverage, credit score). The remainder is associated with unobservable liquidity shortfalls and income instability: median liquid wealth among Black and Hispanic homeowners is $2,400 and $5,400 respectively, and minority homeowners are 2–4 percentage points more likely to transition to unemployment conditional on pre-unemployment income. Using quasi-experimental variation from adjustable-rate mortgage resets, the paper shows that in response to a 10% increase in monthly payments, White homeowners increase 90-day mortgage default by 3.0 percentage points after 12 months, while Black and Hispanic homeowners show increases of 4.5 and 7.1 percentage points respectively — excess sensitivity that is not captured by credit scores. The early-2000s credit supply expansion through private securitization and portfolio lending channels (as distinct from GSE/FHA) contributed to 61.5% of the 6.2-percentage-point increase in the Black-White distressed-sale gap between the 2002 and 2006 purchase cohorts, and 52.0% of the 12.2-percentage-point increase in the Hispanic-White gap. Evidence from the National Survey of Mortgage Originations suggests that Black homeowners hold overoptimistic expectations about future house price growth and income growth relative to their realized outcomes, which may explain why high-risk minority households do not self-select out of homeownership.

Scope Conditions

Results pertain to mortgaged home purchases (approximately three-fourths of all purchases) by Black, Hispanic, and White homeowners in 40 states (non-disclosure states excluded), with primary coverage from 2000 to 2016. No racial gap in returns is found for cash purchases. The racial gap in non-distressed returns is small and not economically meaningful, so the findings specifically pertain to the realized-return distribution that includes the distressed-sale tail.

Layer 2 — Q&A

Q1: How large is the racial gap in housing returns, and how does it compare to previously documented racial disparities in housing costs?

A: Among mortgaged purchases, Black and Hispanic homeowners each realize annual unlevered returns approximately 2.3 percentage points lower than White homeowners; levered return gaps are 5.0 percentage points (Black-White) and 9.6 percentage points (Hispanic-White). In dollar terms, this translates to a difference of roughly $5,920 per year for the average Black homeowner and $6,762 per year for the average Hispanic homeowner on a ten-year holding horizon. These gaps are an order of magnitude larger than previously documented racial disparities in housing costs, such as post-origination interest rate disparities of about 40 basis points (~$500 annually for a $200,000 home) or inflated property tax assessments amounting to $300–$390 per year.

Q2: What is the role of distressed sales in explaining racial gaps in returns, and how do frequency versus severity contribute?

A: Distressed sales statistically account for nearly the entire racial gap in realized housing returns. Within non-distressed sales, the Black-White unlevered gap falls to less than 40 basis points and the Hispanic-White gap inverts. Two channels operate: (1) Black and Hispanic homeowners are approximately twice as likely as White homeowners to experience a distressed sale; and (2) within distressed sales, minority homeowners realize lower returns because they tend to live in neighborhoods with larger distressed-sale price discounts (estimated at 39–40% below imputed market value for Black and Hispanic homeowners, vs. 28% for White homeowners). A Blinder-Oaxaca decomposition indicates that equalizing distressed sale frequency (holding severity fixed) would close 84.6% of the Black-White gap and 133.6% of the Hispanic-White gap, so the frequency margin is quantitatively dominant.

Q3: Are racial differences in house price appreciation responsible for the gap in non-distressed returns?

A: No. Among non-distressed sales, realized returns closely track county-level FHFA house price index growth for Black, Hispanic, and White homeowners alike, essentially one-for-one regardless of race. There is no economically meaningful racial gap in house price appreciation conditional on avoiding a distressed sale. This finding implies that the gap in average realized returns is not generated by differential neighborhood-level appreciation but rather by the incidence of distressed sales and the price penalties they entail.

Q4: How much of the racial gap in housing returns can be explained by observable homeowner characteristics such as income, family structure, and leverage?

A: Controlling for county and purchase year fixed effects reduces the raw Black-White and Hispanic-White unlevered returns gaps from 2.3 to 1.5 and 1.6 percentage points, respectively. Additionally controlling for income, family structure (gender and co-applicant status), and leverage reduces the gap by a further ~0.3 percentage points. Even among the ostensibly safest group — high-income couples with low leverage — the Black-White (Hispanic-White) gap in unlevered returns is 0.7 (0.5) percentage points. Among high-leverage, low-income, single-male homeowners the gap is 1.8 (1.7) percentage points. Gaps exist within every demographic subgroup, and neighborhoods (Census tract fixed effects) explain roughly half of the remaining gap for Black homeowners and one-third for Hispanic homeowners, but substantial residual gaps persist even within neighborhood.

Q5: What observable credit risk characteristics explain racial differences in mortgage default?

A: Raw racial gaps in 90-day mortgage delinquency are 2.6 percentage points (Black-White) and 1.8 percentage points (Hispanic-White). Controlling for purchase year and county reduces these to 2.2 and 1.6 percentage points respectively. Controlling for family structure, income, leverage, and credit score reduces the gaps to 0.98 and 0.94 percentage points — implying that observable characteristics explain approximately 55% and 41% of the Black-White and Hispanic-White default gaps respectively. Credit scores contribute the most explanatory power among these controls, while mortgage contract characteristics (a test of differential lender treatment) contribute negligibly.

Q6: What is the evidence that liquidity and income instability — factors not observable to lenders — explain the residual racial gap in default?

A: Survey data from SIPP reveal that median liquid wealth (bank accounts, stocks, bonds) for Black and Hispanic homeowners is only $2,400 and $5,400 respectively, while minority homeowners are 2–4 percentage points more likely to transition to unemployment conditional on pre-unemployment income. In SIPP mortgage delinquency regressions, controlling for liquidity, job loss in the prior year, and income reduces the Black-White coefficient by about 30% and the Hispanic-White coefficient by about 41% (and 29% and 70% respectively when also controlling for income level, current loan-to-value, and family composition). In administrative data using ARM payment resets as liquidity shocks, a 10% increase in monthly payments raises 90-day default by 3.0 percentage points for White homeowners, 4.5 percentage points for Black homeowners, and 7.1 percentage points for Hispanic homeowners after 12 months. This excess sensitivity is not substantially reduced by controlling for credit scores, income, or leverage — indicating that the liquidity risk of minority homeowners is largely unobservable to lenders at origination.

Q7: Is there evidence that strategic default explains higher minority distress rates?

A: No meaningful evidence supports strategic default as a driver of excess minority distress. Using quasi-experimental variation in ex-post leverage from diverging option ARM indices (following Gupta and Hansman 2022), the paper finds large causal impacts of leverage on default but no evidence that these impacts are larger for minority homeowners. Separate survey evidence from the NSMO shows a statistically insignificant Black-White difference of 0.05 percentage points (s.e. 0.65) in agreement that “it is okay to default if it is in the borrower’s financial interest” (relative to a White mean of 6.1%). The absence of larger leverage-driven default responses combined with the presence of larger payment-shock-driven responses points specifically to liquidity — not strategic behavior — as the relevant mechanism.

Q8: What is the evidence for information frictions contributing to excess minority homeownership risk?

A: Black homeowners in the NSMO report future house price expectations that are 0.07 standard deviations more optimistic than White homeowners, conditional on past price experiences, yet realized house price growth in the subsequent two years is actually 1.1 percentage points lower for Black homeowners. Although Black homeowners are 2.8 percentage points more likely to report past personal financial crises, their stated expectations about future financial crises are similar to those of White homeowners — despite 90-day default rates that are 2.5 percentage points higher in the first two years post-origination. Black homeowners also report income growth expectations 0.3 standard deviations higher than White homeowners, while SIPP and CPS data show minorities are more likely to experience income losses. These patterns of overoptimistic expectations relative to realized outcomes are consistent with information frictions causing high-risk minority households to suboptimally select into homeownership.

Q9: How much of the racial gap in distress can be attributed to the early-2000s credit supply expansion?

A: The paper identifies the expansion as concentrated in portfolio loans and privately securitized mortgages, which are distinct from GSE/FHA mortgages that did not exhibit a comparable supply increase. Between the 2002 and 2006 purchase cohorts, the Black-White gap in distressed sales rose by 6.2 percentage points overall but only 2.4 percentage points among GSE/FHA loans. A decomposition using this contrast attributes 61.5% of the overall 6.2-percentage-point increase to the credit supply expansion. Analogously, 52.0% of the 12.2-percentage-point increase in the Hispanic-White gap between 2002 and 2006 is attributed to credit supply. Within-race decompositions find that credit supply accounts for 42%, 30%, and 35% of the increase in distress relative to 2002 for Black, Hispanic, and White homeowners respectively, for mortgages originated 2004–2006.

Q10: What is the implied contribution of the returns gap to the racial wealth gap?

A: Using a simple wealth accumulation model calibrated to PSID data on first-time homebuyer rates and home values (average first home for Black households: $142,587; for White households: $208,621), the paper finds an estimated Black-White gap in housing wealth at retirement of $169,389 versus an observed PSID gap of $182,771. Equalizing housing returns would reduce this gap by 37%. In contrast, equalizing first-time purchase rates alone reduces the gap by only about 1%, because low returns nullify the benefit of purchasing earlier. Equalizing both returns and purchase rates reduces the gap by 49%. Housing wealth in the primary home constitutes 43% of total net wealth for the average retirement-age Black household in PSID, implying the returns gap explains a quantitatively large share of the overall racial wealth gap.

Q11: What do the COVID-19 pandemic forbearance experience and mortgage modification evidence imply for policy?

A: Quasi-experimental estimates using servicer-level variation in modification propensity show that mortgage modifications cause economically large increases in housing returns for Black, Hispanic, and White homeowners alike, suggesting that since minority homeowners are more likely to become distressed, expanded modifications would disproportionately benefit them. The pandemic experience provides macroeconomic confirmation: after the onset of COVID-19 forbearance and foreclosure moratoria in March 2020, the Black-White gap in unlevered returns and distressed sales fell by approximately half, while the Hispanic-White gap (whose pre-pandemic distress convergence was already underway) remained comparatively stable. Administratively, Black homeowners who default are already 3–7 percentage points more likely than observationally similar White homeowners to receive a modification, even controlling for neighborhood and servicer, suggesting servicers partially internalize the larger distressed-sale discounts in minority neighborhoods.

Q12: Are neighborhood-level factors — specifically distressed-sale price discounts from illiquid real estate markets — important for explaining racial heterogeneity in returns conditional on distress?

A: Yes. Using MLS data on median days-on-market as a measure of real estate market thickness, the paper shows that distressed sale discounts are substantially larger in less-liquid markets, with discounts experienced by Black homeowners approximately 13 percentage points lower in the least-thick markets relative to the thickest. Black and Hispanic homeowners are disproportionately likely to realize distressed sales in thin markets. Regular sale returns are not affected by market thickness. This establishes that neighborhood market illiquidity is a second-order channel through which neighborhood-level factors contribute to the racial gap — primarily by amplifying the severity of distressed sale penalties rather than by affecting ordinary house price appreciation.

Key Concepts

Distressed sale: In this paper’s usage, an ownership spell that ends in either a foreclosure (where a lender seizes and sells the property after payment default) or a short sale (where the lender allows the homeowner to sell for less than the outstanding mortgage balance without holding the homeowner liable for the deficiency). Distressed sales are the central mediating factor between race and housing returns.

Unlevered return: The annualized ratio of sale price to purchase price, capturing property-level capital gains without reference to the financing structure. Computed as (P_sale / P_purchase)^(1/T) − 1. Does not capture leverage amplification or limited homeowner liability in foreclosure.

Levered return (internal rate of return): The discount rate that sets the net present value of all homeowner cash flows to zero, including down payment at purchase; monthly payments (principal, interest, taxes, insurance, maintenance); implicit rent; and the net proceeds at sale (property sale price minus outstanding principal balance, subject to a floor of $0.01 capturing limited liability). This measure accounts for both the amplifying effect of leverage on gains and the homeowner’s limited liability in underwater foreclosures.

Distressed sale frequency versus severity: The two distinct components through which distressed sales generate racial gaps. Frequency refers to the higher probability that a minority homeowner’s ownership spell terminates in a distressed sale. Severity refers to the larger price discount at distressed sale that minority homeowners experience, concentrated in neighborhoods with illiquid real estate markets. The paper’s decomposition finds frequency is the dominant margin.

Unobservable liquidity risk: Default risk arising from insufficient liquid wealth (cash, bank deposits, liquid securities) and income instability that is not captured by credit scores or other characteristics observable to lenders at mortgage origination. The paper’s ARM-reset event study shows this risk generates excess minority default responses even conditional on credit score and income.

Information friction (overoptimism): The tendency of minority homeowners, particularly Black homeowners, to hold expectations about future house prices, personal financial crises, and income growth that are more optimistic than their realized outcomes and than observationally similar White homeowners’ expectations. The paper uses this to explain why high-risk minority households do not self-select out of homeownership despite the high cost of distressed sales.

Credit supply channel: The mechanism by which the early-2000s expansion of private securitization and portfolio lending — channels that exhibited substantially greater growth among Black and Hispanic borrowers than among White borrowers — contributed to increased rates of minority distress during the Great Recession. Distinguished from GSE/FHA channels that did not exhibit comparable credit expansion and serve as the counterfactual.