International Currencies and Capital Allocation
📄 Summarized from the full manuscript · Human-reviewed for faithfulness before publication
In brief
Why do firms in most countries borrow almost entirely from domestic investors, while American firms sell bonds worldwide? Using security-level holdings of mutual funds and ETFs covering $32 trillion in positions, this paper shows investors overwhelmingly buy bonds denominated in their own currency, even when choosing among bonds issued by the very same firm. Because only large firms issue in foreign currency, most firms receive little foreign capital. The United States is the exception -- global appetite for dollar bonds effectively opens the capital account even for mid-sized US firms. The euro shared that status until 2008, then lost it.
What this paper finds — and why it matters
Using a new security-level dataset covering $32 trillion in global investment positions, this paper establishes that the currency a bond is denominated in – not the nationality of its issuer – is the dominant predictor of who holds it, and that this home-currency bias leaves most firms borrowing only at home while a small number of large foreign-currency issuers capture nearly all foreign bond capital. The data are Morningstar’s complete position-level holdings of open-end mutual funds and exchange-traded funds domiciled in over 50 countries, filtered to the 23 countries (14 of them inside the euro area, leaving 10 effective country units) where Morningstar’s coverage of fixed-income assets under management is at least a quarter of what the Investment Company Institute reports. Four facts follow. First, home-currency bias is strong and is identified within firm: comparing an investor country’s share of two bonds issued by the same parent but denominated differently, and controlling for maturity and coupon, Canadian funds hold a share of a Canadian-dollar bond about 90 percentage points larger than of a non-Canadian-dollar bond from the same issuer, with similarly large and precisely estimated coefficients for every other country (Table 2, p. 12). Running home-country and home-currency indicators side by side, the currency coefficient and R-squared are roughly twice those on country alone, and adding currency collapses the country coefficient while barely moving the currency one – so, at least for corporate bonds, the classic home-country bias documented since French and Poterba (1991) is largely confounded by home-currency bias (Table 4, pp. 14-15). Second, home-currency bias travels with a stark allocation of capital across firms: in each country a small number of large firms issue in foreign currency and borrow from foreigners, while most firms issue only in local currency and are held almost entirely by domestic investors. Probit estimates using Compustat, Worldscope and SDC data show that bigger firms are significantly more likely to issue in foreign currency on all four size proxies used (Table 5, p. 17). That this is not simply about which firms foreigners find unappealing is shown by the fact that the same local-currency-only firms do receive foreign equity investment (Figure 9b, p. 20). Third, the United States is the exception: a significant mass of medium-sized US firms issues only in dollars yet receives substantial foreign financing, which the authors read as the global taste for dollar debt effectively opening the capital account for local-currency US borrowers – a pattern found for no other country in the data (Section 4, pp. 16, 19-20). Fourth, in the time series the dollar’s role is recent rather than permanent: the dollar denominated 41 percent of global cross-border corporate debt holdings in the data in 2005 and the euro 38 percent, shares that were largely stable until 2008, after which the euro’s fell to 22 percent and the dollar’s rose to 63 percent (Introduction, p. 2; Section 5, pp. 21-22). The paper is explicit about its scope: the dataset contains quantities but not prices, so it cannot assess borrowing costs or quantify the value of the dollar’s privilege; it covers bond finance only and excludes bank lending; the analysis is of corporate rather than sovereign bonds; and the authors deliberately establish the four facts without identifying the mechanisms behind them, offering hedging costs, market segmentation by currency and fixed issuance costs as candidate explanations for future work to formalize.
Summary of a classic paper, AI-assisted and human-reviewed. See the linked original for the authoritative claims and full conditions.
Questions & answers
Q1. What question does the paper pose, and what makes the data new?
The paper asks what determines cross-border investment, and answers that the currency of denomination of assets – “an often neglected aspect” – drives portfolios at both macro and micro levels; the novelty is a security-level dataset of $32 trillion in global investment positions as of 2017. The authors motivate the question by noting that “in the late 1970s, almost none of the total outstanding value of US corporate debt was held by foreigners. Today, more than one-quarter is held abroad,” yet “surprisingly little is known about the determinants of cross-border investment,” in part for lack of detailed data (p. 1). The data are Morningstar’s complete position-level records from mutual funds and ETFs domiciled in over 50 countries, containing millions of individual positions – roughly 5 million unique positions held by about 9,000 US funds and about 6 million held by about 52,000 non-US funds in December 2017 (Section 2, p. 5). Positions carry a 9-digit CUSIP, which the authors use to attach currency, maturity, coupon, issuer location and industry.
Q2. How representative are mutual-fund and ETF holdings of global portfolios, and what does the paper concede they miss?
The authors argue funds are both a large share of global portfolio investment and broadly representative of it, while conceding several specific gaps. Their US coverage reaches 93 percent of the ICI-reported value by 2017 and their non-US coverage captures between half and three-quarters of fixed-income assets under management over the last decade (Section 2.1, pp. 5-6). By OECD data, the share of total bond investment intermediated by investment funds in 2017 is 43 percent in the euro area and 23 percent in the US, averaging 36 percent across the ten countries analysed but ranging from 9 percent in Norway to 82 percent in Denmark (Section 2.2, p. 6). The conceded gaps are specific: US inward positions “do not align well” with TIC data, likely because large foreign entities such as Chinese and Japanese government institutions and large European insurers invest directly; the ECB reports a 37 percent dollar share of euro-area foreign bond holdings against 59 percent in this data, which the authors attribute to Luxembourg and Ireland being disproportionately important in the fund sector; no Japanese-domiciled funds are included and UK coverage is less complete than US; and the analysis excludes bank lending entirely, which matters because US non-financial corporations rely on bonds for 77 percent of debt financing against 17 percent for European firms (pp. 6-8).
Q3. What does the country-level evidence on currency composition look like?
Domestic bond investment is almost always in the domestic currency, while foreign investment in the same country’s corporate bonds is overwhelmingly not in that country’s currency. For 2017, the share of each country’s investors’ lending to that same country’s corporate issuers that is local-currency-denominated is above 0.8 for every country and close to 1 for most – about 95 percent for Canadian investors buying Canadian firms’ bonds. The mirror statistic for foreigners buying the same country’s corporate bonds is systematically and much lower: about 5 percent of Canadian corporate bonds bought by non-Canadians are in Canadian dollars (Figure 2, Section 3.1, pp. 9-10). Instead of local currency, foreigners hold bonds denominated either in their own currency or in dollars; excluding investment into the US, “the vast majority of all foreign investment is either denominated in the investing country’s currency or in US dollars” (Figure 3, p. 10). The same pattern holds for sovereign bonds but “is more muted,” which the authors attribute to most developed sovereigns issuing very little foreign-currency debt, and this is why the paper concentrates on corporate bonds (p. 10).
Q4. How is the home-currency bias identified, rather than merely described?
By exploiting variation in currency of denomination across multiple bonds issued by the same parent firm, so that nationality, industry, trade exposure and default risk are held fixed by a parent-firm fixed effect, with maturity and coupon controlled directly. The estimating equation regresses investor country j’s share of the total holdings of corporate bond c issued by parent p on a parent fixed effect and an indicator for the bond being denominated in j’s currency (equation 1, p. 11). The logic is stated plainly: “If Canadians, for instance, are much more likely to hold a given UK firm’s long-term Canadian dollar debt than that firm’s long-term British pound debt, this would support the conclusion that currency is the true underlying factor driving that investment decision” (p. 11). The estimates in Table 2 are all positive, statistically significant and large – the Canadian coefficient implies Canadian funds hold a share of a Canadian-dollar security about 90 percentage points larger than of a same-issuer security in another currency (p. 12). Table 3 reports eleven alternative samples and specifications – restricting to multi-currency issuers, to foreign issuers, to foreign issuers excluding home-market issuance, to financial and non-financial corporates separately, adding local government and supranational borrowing, adding sovereigns, and adding dummies for the security’s country of residence and for the investor country’s governing law – and the currency coefficient “remains economically large, stable, and precisely estimated” throughout (pp. 12-13).
Q5. Is the finding driven by a handful of large funds?
No. The bias is pervasive at the fund level. Taking the 300 funds with the largest external corporate bond holdings, the large majority hold either all or none of their foreign investment in their own currency, and a lowess fit of the home-currency share on the size rank of funds’ foreign investment “is effectively flat” (Figure 4a, Section 3.3, p. 13). Repeating the plot for the share denominated in either the home currency or the dollar, the points are “nearly universally clustered near one,” across funds of different type, mandate and domicile (Figure 4b, p. 13). In fund-level regressions reported in the appendix, funds specialising in foreign investment – those with larger foreign shares of total assets – show less home-currency bias, and there is less robust evidence that the bias declines very mildly with total fund size (fn. 20, pp. 13-14).
Q6. What exactly does the paper claim about the relationship between home-country bias and home-currency bias?
It claims that, for corporate bonds, inference of home-country bias is confounded by home-currency bias – while being explicit that distinguishing the two definitively would require exogenous variation the authors do not have. Running the home-country indicator alone reproduces the literature: coefficients are positive for every country, ranging from 10 percent to 71 percent, and country information alone explains roughly one-third of the variation in securities’ holdings (Panel A of Table 4, pp. 14-15). Replacing it with a home-currency indicator gives point estimates and R-squared values “both approximately twice as large” (Panel B). Including both, the currency coefficient is “little changed” from its univariate value and the R-squared only slightly larger, while the country coefficient is “dramatically reduced” (Panel C, p. 15). The authors state the caveat directly: “Ultimately, distinguishing a bias for home currency from a bias for home country requires exogenous variation in either country or currency. While we do not have such exogenous variation, we compare the relative explanatory power of country and currency” (p. 14). They credit Burger, Warnock and Warnock (2017) with first suggesting this possibility from US TIC data.
Q7. What is the firm-side pattern, and how strong is the evidence that currency itself – not firm quality – drives it?
In most countries the firms that borrow substantially from foreigners are essentially only those that issue in foreign currency, and the relationship is close to one-for-one; the evidence against a pure firm-quality story is that the same local-currency-only firms do attract foreign equity. Plotting each Canadian firm’s foreign-currency share of debt against its foreign-held share of debt, a large mass of smaller firms sits at or just above the origin, and as firms borrow more in foreign currency they borrow more from foreigners, with points “clustered along the 45 degree line”; the euro area and the UK look similar (Figure 5, Section 4.1, p. 16). For local-currency-only firms, domestic portfolio shares lie almost uniformly above foreign portfolio shares in Canada, the euro area and the UK (Figures 7-9a, pp. 18-19). The equity test is the paper’s answer to the confound: “if something about a firm caused it to be a fundamentally unappealing investment for foreigners, foreign investors should avoid both the firm’s equity and its debt,” and in fact the domestic-foreign gap in those same firms’ equity portfolio shares “is far more muted,” with only small positive differences for Europe, Sweden and Norway and a negative gap for Denmark, New Zealand and Australia (p. 20). The authors flag the key caveat themselves: bank loans are unobserved, so local-currency firms might access international capital indirectly via domestic banks borrowing abroad – though they argue loan finance is generally more expensive than bond finance, so even then those firms would plausibly be worse off (p. 16).
Q8. What drives selection into foreign-currency issuance, and how firmly is that established?
Firm size predicts foreign-currency issuance robustly; the fixed-cost interpretation is offered as the natural reading of that size-dependence rather than as a separately tested mechanism. A probit for whether a firm has any foreign-currency debt, run country by country with two-digit SIC fixed effects and four alternative size proxies (bond principal outstanding, EBIT, total assets, revenues), yields average marginal effects that are “all positive and statistically significant” (Table 5, p. 17). The authors then note that “this type of size-dependence is a hallmark of selection in the presence of fixed costs,” and enumerate the costs: enriched accounting infrastructure, arranging and paying for currency hedges, a more sophisticated corporate treasurer’s department, a relationship with an international investment bank, foreign roadshows and investor meetings (pp. 17-18). They address the obvious alternative – that size proxies for foreign sales and hence a hedging motive – by conditioning on the foreign share of sales from Worldscope segment tables, and report that a higher foreign sales share matters significantly for the UK and US but is insignificant or negative for Canada and the euro area, while firm size “remains strongly and positively correlated” with foreign-currency issuance “across the vast majority of specifications” (p. 18). They also note the direction is not uniform in theory: large exporters may want foreign-currency debt to match receipts, but large importers have the opposite incentive (fn. 26, p. 18).
Q9. In what specific sense is the United States an exception?
US firms that borrow exclusively in dollars place their bonds into foreign and domestic portfolios with comparable ease, which is not true of local-currency-only firms in any other country in the data. In the US version of the firm-level plot, “there is a significant mass of medium-sized firms that issues only in US dollars but receives substantial financing from foreigners” (Figure 5d, p. 16). In the LC-only firm plots, the US is “the one exception,” with domestic shares running through the middle of foreign shares rather than above them (Figure 8, p. 19), and in the aggregated bar chart the domestic and foreign bars are of similar height only for the US (Figure 9a, p. 19). LC-only firms also matter more there: they account for nearly 60 percent of total US corporate bonds in the data, against roughly 15 to 25 percent for Canada, the euro area and the UK (fn. 28, p. 19). The authors’ interpretation is that this constitutes a previously unremarked component of the “exorbitant privilege”: “international currencies effectively open up the capital account for firms that only borrow in domestic currency” (p. 2). They are careful to add that “measuring the benefits of selling bonds to foreigners or quantifying the ‘privilege’ from issuing in a global currency like the US dollar is beyond the scope of this paper” (p. 3).
Q10. What is the time-series finding, and how do the authors rule out mechanical explanations?
The euro was a genuine international currency until 2008 and then lost that status to the dollar, and the shift survives removing the US and euro area, holding exchange rates fixed, controlling for sample composition, and dropping banks. In 2005 the dollar denominated 41 percent of global cross-border corporate debt holdings in the data and the euro 38 percent; after the global financial and eurozone crises the euro’s share fell to 22 percent by late 2017 while the dollar’s rose to 63 percent (p. 2; Figure 10, Section 5, pp. 21-22). Four robustness moves are reported. Excluding the US and the euro area as either investor or issuer leaves the pattern strong, which the authors read as showing the shift is “not simply attributable to changes in the relative size of the US and EMU markets nor is it directly driven by the unconventional monetary policy (quantitative easing) of the Fed or the ECB” (Figure 11b, p. 21). Re-generating the series with exchange rates fixed at 2005 levels shows the dollar’s appreciation “can only directly explain a small portion” of the trend (p. 22). Regressing currency shares on time and country-pair fixed effects rules out compositional change in the sample (Figure 11c, p. 22). Restricting to non-financial corporate borrowers shifts levels but leaves the reallocation intact (Figure 11d, p. 22). Across most specifications in Table 6 the dollar share rises by about 10 to 20 percentage points and the euro share falls by about the same. The authors add the cross-sectional counterpart: the dollar share of foreign investment into US corporate bonds was about 40 percent in 2005 against about 75 percent in 2017, and they describe these results as “suggestive that the roles of the dollar and euro in shaping cross-border capital allocation have changed during this period,” with identifying the driver left to future work (pp. 22-23).
Q11. What do the authors say their facts imply for international macroeconomic models?
That models must generate home-currency bias, not merely home-country bias, and must do so with differential strength across currencies – and that frictionless portfolio models cannot deliver the specific pattern observed. Benchmark models fail either because they generate no bond trading, as in Lucas (1982), or because they predict foreign investors take direct exposure to the borrower’s local currency (p. 4). Even the models that do produce home-currency bias frictionlessly, such as Solnik (1974) and Adler and Dumas (1983), “do not replicate our finding that foreign investors almost entirely avoid debt exposure to firms that issue only in local currency even when they buy the equity of those same firms,” because with perfect markets investors would not distort their allocation across firms but would adjust unwanted currency exposure with long-short positions in short-term risk-free bonds (Section 6, p. 23). The authors’ own reading is that home-currency bias “reflects a combination of financial frictions, like hedging costs, and behavioral biases that effectively segment the investor pool for firm debt by currency,” pointing toward models with currency segmentation as in Gabaix and Maggiori (2015) combined with size-based selection as in Melitz (2003) – and they say explicitly “we suspect many of our facts would emerge in such an environment, but leave it to future work to formalize the logic” (pp. 23-24). They also argue against a regulatory explanation: the bias appears across countries with different regulatory regimes, some hedging activity is observed in the data, US outward allocation shares match TIC data that includes entities not regulated like mutual funds, and it may simply be natural for issuers rather than funds to hedge, since a firm hedges once at issuance and holds the position to maturity while funds change exposures frequently (p. 24).
Q12. What does the paper say about the consequences for exchange-rate valuation effects?
That the common presumption of a positive wealth effect from domestic depreciation may be overstated, because foreign investors hold far less local-currency debt than market-weight benchmarks would imply. The authors note that “a naive assumption that foreign and domestic investors buy securities in each country in proportion to their market-value weights would imply that developed countries have external liabilities denominated in their own currency and external assets denominated in foreign currency to a greater extent than is in fact the case,” so “a domestic currency depreciation might not have as much of a positive wealth effect as is commonly conjectured” (p. 10). They immediately qualify this: the wealth effect also depends on the extent of hedging and on the residency of hedging counterparties, and “the lack of systematic data on derivatives use precludes us from drawing too strong a conclusion” (fn. 14, p. 11). They connect the finding to the “original sin” literature of Eichengreen and Hausmann, with the twist that “even rich and developed economies that do not suffer from these problems borrow in foreign currency from foreigners to a surprising extent via their corporate sector” (fn. 13, pp. 10-11), and note it complements Lane and Shambaugh (2010) and Benetrix, Lane and Shambaugh (2015) by linking the currency composition of external liabilities to the country composition of foreign investors in micro data.
Key terms in this paper
Definitions below follow the paper's own usage.
- Home-currency bias
- the paper's central measured phenomenon: investors disproportionately hold bonds denominated in their own country's currency, identified within-firm by comparing an investor country's share of the holdings of two bonds issued by the same parent firm that differ in currency of denomination while controlling for maturity and coupon; the estimated effect is large enough that, for example, Canadian funds hold a share of a Canadian-dollar security roughly 90 percentage points larger than of a non-Canadian-dollar security issued by the same firm (Table 2, Section 3.2).
- Dollar bias (international-currency bias)
- the separate tendency, on top of home-currency bias, for investors of every nationality to disproportionately hold US-dollar-denominated securities when investing in any destination country; the paper treats this as the empirical signature of the dollar being an international currency, and shows the euro exhibited it too before 2008 (Sections 3.1 and 5).
- Local-currency-only (LC-only) issuer
- in the paper's classification, a firm whose bond debt is denominated exclusively in its own country's currency, as opposed to a multi-currency (MC) issuer; LC-only firms are systematically smaller and, outside the United States, account for far larger shares of domestic than of foreign bond portfolios, though they do attract foreign equity investment (Sections 4.1-4.2).
- Selection into foreign-currency issuance
- the paper's proposed reading of the firm-size dependence it documents: because issuing in foreign currency requires fixed set-up costs -- accounting infrastructure, currency hedges, a more sophisticated treasury, a relationship with an international investment bank, foreign roadshows -- only sufficiently large firms pay them, a pattern the authors describe as analogous to selection into exporting in Melitz (2003); the paper offers this as an interpretation consistent with its facts, not as an identified mechanism.
- Opening the capital account for local-currency firms
- the paper's proposed novel component of the US "exorbitant privilege": because foreign investors are willing to hold dollar bonds regardless of issuer nationality, US firms that borrow only in dollars place their debt in foreign and domestic portfolios with comparable ease -- so issuing an international currency effectively opens the capital account to firms that never issue in foreign currency, which is true of no other country in the data (Sections 1, 4.2, 7).