Intergenerational Impacts of Secondary Education: Experimental Evidence from Ghana

This paper provides experimental evidence on the intergenerational impacts of secondary education subsidies in a low-income context, leveraging a randomized controlled trial (RCT) conducted in rural Ghana with a 15-year longitudinal follow-up. The study exploits a 2008 scholarship lottery in which 682 students — drawn from 2,064 rural youth who had been admitted to public senior high school but had not enrolled due to financial constraints — were randomly selected to receive four-year secondary school scholarships covering full tuition and fees. Scholarship receipt increased senior high school completion by 27–28 percentage points for both men and women (from 39.8% to 67.2% for women; from 49.7% to 77.9% for men), and raised average years of education by 1.33 years.

The central research question is whether secondary education subsidies generate intergenerational benefits — specifically, whether children of scholarship recipients have better survival and cognitive development outcomes — and what mechanisms drive any such effects.

For female scholarship recipients, the scholarship significantly altered fertility timing and partnership. By 2013, female recipients were 6.9 percentage points less likely to have ever been pregnant (on a control-group base of 48.3%), with the decline driven almost entirely by a 7 percentage point (17%) reduction in unwanted pregnancies. Though total fertility eventually caught up by 2022, recipients were still less likely to be married or cohabiting as of 2019 and were significantly more likely to have a partner with tertiary education.

Children of female scholarship recipients experienced substantially lower mortality. Among control-group female respondents, 3.5% of children died before age one and 4.0% before age three. These rates fell to 1.7% (p=0.028) and 2.2% (p=0.065) respectively among children of female recipients — a roughly 45–51% reduction in under-one and under-three mortality.

Child cognitive development gains emerge only once children reach school age. Children of female recipients show no significant cognitive score differences at 18 months, 2.5 years, or 3.5 years, but score 0.238 standard deviations higher at age five (p=0.005) and 0.252 standard deviations higher at age seven (p=0.035). Effects span language, math and numeracy, spatial reasoning, and executive function, but not socio-cognitive development. These effect sizes fall between the 75th and 80th percentile of RCT-based educational intervention effect sizes in low- and middle-income countries.

The primary mechanism is not higher income or greater monetary investment in children. The study finds no significant treatment effect on household SES index (0.107 SDs, p=0.103), no impact on formal schooling inputs, and no difference in parental aspirations or knowledge of child stimulation’s importance. Instead, more-educated mothers seek more prenatal care, engage in more preventive health behaviors, and — critically — spend more time interacting with their children in stimulating ways. Day-long LENA (Language Environment Analysis) recordings at 18 months confirm 20% more adult-child conversational turns per minute (effect size 0.068, p=0.005) and 17% more child vocalizations per minute (effect size 0.32, p=0.014) for children of female recipients.

For male scholarship recipients, no analogous intergenerational benefits appear. Their partners are not more educated (in fact slightly less educated on tertiary rates), their children show no mortality improvement, and cognitive scores are if anything negative at age five (point estimate -0.22, p=0.069). The absence of effects is attributed to male scholarship recipients having caregivers — overwhelmingly mothers — with no more education than in the control group, and to children of male recipients being 8.7 percentage points less likely to live with their father.

A cost-benefit analysis finds internal rates of return (IRR) of 27%–76% for a female-only means-tested scholarship program and 20%–51% for a mixed-gender program. The cost per under-three death averted ($15,184 for female-only) places the scholarship program within the range of the 10th-percentile most cost-effective WHO-recommended child health interventions.

Scope conditions: the study estimates effects for students who qualified for senior high school but faced binding financial constraints in rural Ghana in 2008 — a population that is well-prepared academically but economically disadvantaged. Results may not generalize to students who would not have qualified for secondary school or to contexts where financial barriers are not binding.

Q: What was the experimental design and who was in the study sample? A: In 2008, 2,064 rural Ghanaian students who had been admitted to senior high school (SHS) but had not enrolled — typically due to inability to pay fees — were sampled. After a baseline survey, 682 were randomly selected (approximately one-third) by lottery to receive a four-year scholarship covering full tuition and fees for a day (non-boarding) student, stratified by district, school, gender, and exam-year cohort. The two-thirds comparison group received no scholarship. Students were on average 17 years old at baseline and just over 31 at the last follow-up in Spring 2023.

Q: How large was the scholarship’s effect on educational attainment? A: Scholarship receipt raised SHS completion from 39.8% to 67.2% among women (a 69% increase) and from 49.7% to 77.9% among men (a 57% increase). Overall, the scholarship led to an average of 1.33 more years of education. For women only, it also significantly raised tertiary education: by 2023, scholarship receipt increased tertiary completion by 10.8 percentage points for women, but had no significant tertiary effect for men.

Q: What were the effects on fertility and family formation for female scholarship recipients? A: By 2013, female recipients were 6.9 percentage points less likely to have ever been pregnant (base: 48.3% in control), driven almost entirely by a 7 percentage point (17%) reduction in unwanted pregnancies. By 2019, recipients were still 6 percentage points less likely to have started childbearing and had 0.152 fewer children on average (p=0.065). Total fertility eventually caught up by 2022. By 2016, female recipients were 12.1 percentage points (24% of control mean) less likely to have ever lived with a partner, and by 2019 were 6.2 percentage points less likely to be married or cohabiting. Conditional on having a partner, they were significantly more likely to have a partner who completed tertiary education (p=0.071).

Q: What were the effects on fertility and family formation for male scholarship recipients? A: Male recipients showed few changes in fertility or marriage behavior. They were 7.8 percentage points (30% of control mean) more likely to still be living with their parents as of 2019. Their partners were not more educated; in the cognitive games subsample, treatment actually reduced the share of partners with tertiary education by 3.6 percentage points from a control base of 4.3%.

Q: What were the child mortality results for children of female scholarship recipients? A: Among children of female control respondents, 3.5% died before age one and 4.0% before age three. These fell to 1.7% (p=0.028) and 2.2% (p=0.065), respectively, among children of female recipients — approximately a halving of under-one and under-three mortality. These point estimates are robust to varying the covariates (linear vs. fixed effects for birth year, dropping or adding controls). After multiple-hypothesis testing adjustment using the Romano-Wolf step-down procedure, the p-value for survived-to-one rises from 0.028 to 0.119.

Q: What were the child mortality results for children of male scholarship recipients? A: The estimated effects for children of male recipients were smaller and statistically insignificant: a 1.4 percentage point increase in survived-to-one (p=0.161) and 0.9 percentage points in survived-to-three (p=0.549). These estimates are not significantly different from those for female recipients. Results were sensitive to sample perturbations given the smaller sample: only 26 of 1,016 children of male respondents died before age one.

Q: What child cognitive development gains did children of female scholarship recipients show, and at what ages? A: No significant differences emerged at 18 months (-0.066 SDs, p=0.489), 2.5 years (-0.024 SDs, p=0.850), or 3.5 years (0.026 SDs, p=0.736). Significant gains appeared at age five (0.238 SDs, p=0.005) and age seven (0.252 SDs, p=0.035). Effects span language (0.15 SDs at five; 0.27 SDs at seven), math and numeracy (0.15 SDs; 0.26 SDs), spatial reasoning (0.20 SDs; 0.12 SDs), and executive function (0.25 SDs; 0.20 SDs), but not socio-cognitive development. These effect sizes fall between the 75th and 80th percentile of educational RCT effect sizes in low- and middle-income countries.

Q: What cognitive development effects did children of male scholarship recipients show? A: No significant positive effects emerged at any age. Point estimates were negative at all ages except 18 months, and marginally significantly negative at age five (-0.22 SDs, p=0.069). The difference in treatment effects between children of male and female recipients is statistically significant at age five (p=0.005).

Q: Why do cognitive gains appear only at age five and not earlier? A: The authors offer three interpretations: first, that the cognitive tests for younger children are noisier instruments (cross-sectional and longitudinal correlations within domains are much lower for 1.5-year tests than 5-year tests); second, that impacts on cognitive development may take time to materialize; third, that marginal survivors in the treatment group may start with a cognitive deficit (e.g., surviving a cerebral malaria episode), and maternal education effects require time to overcome this initial handicap. Gains concentrate on skills underlying literacy and numeracy, consistent with more educated mothers bridging home and school environments.

Q: What is the primary mechanism driving intergenerational effects? A: The primary mechanism is changes in parenting behaviors, not income. Female recipients do not invest more money in children (no significant difference in SES index or child investment index). Instead, they seek more prenatal care, engage in significantly more preventive health behaviors, and interact more with their children in cognitively stimulating ways. Day-long LENA recordings at 18 months show 20% more conversational turns per minute (effect size 0.068, p=0.005) and 17% more child vocalizations per minute (effect size 0.32, p=0.014). Caregiver reports confirm more playing, singing, and doing simple mathematics with children.

Q: Does the income effect of scholarship receipt explain the child outcomes? A: No. Duflo et al. (2024) find no significant earnings impacts until 2019 or later, meaning children tested at ages five and seven by 2023 largely grew up before their mothers’ earnings improved. The household SES index shows only a 0.107 SD gain (p=0.103), indistinguishable from the effect for children of male recipients. There is also no evidence of a quality-quantity trade-off: caregivers of scholarship recipients do not have fewer children to care for.

Q: Does the increase in maternal age at birth explain the child mortality reduction? A: It is not the primary driver. Maternal age at birth increases by only 0.349 years on average (p=0.142) for children of female recipients, and 0.64 years for first-born children (p=0.040). Point estimates on mortality for first-born children are somewhat smaller than for the full sample, suggesting maternal age is not the main channel. Moreover, maternal age at birth falls for children of male recipients yet their survival point estimates are positive, which further argues against maternal age as the primary mechanism.

Q: How does the education of the primary caregiver mediate the results? A: For 84% of children in the sample, the primary caregiver is the child’s mother. Children of female scholarship recipients have caregivers who are 25 percentage points more likely to have completed secondary school and 5 percentage points more likely to have completed tertiary education. Children of male scholarship recipients have caregivers with no more education than the control group, because the recipients’ partners — the typical caregivers — are not more educated. Treatment effects for female recipients are not altered when father’s education is added as a control, confirming maternal education as the main driver.

Q: What threat to validity arises from co-residence of the father? A: Children of male scholarship recipients are 8.7 percentage points less likely to live with their father (p=0.024), compared to no such effect for children of female recipients (92% of whom live with their scholarship-recipient mother). LENA recordings show negative treatment effects for children of male recipients — fewer adult words and conversational turns — consistent with father absence mechanically reducing auditory engagement and possibly leaving single mothers less time to verbally interact with each child.

Q: How are multiple-hypothesis testing concerns addressed? A: The pre-analysis plan pre-specified child survival and child cognitive development as primary outcomes. The authors apply the Romano-Wolf step-down procedure for multiple hypothesis testing adjustment. After adjustment, the p-value for survived-to-one for children of female recipients rises from 0.028 to 0.119; the cognitive development effects at age five and seven remain significant.

Q: How does the study address potential sample selection bias in the child outcomes sample? A: The authors use entropy balancing (Hainmueller, 2012) to reweight observations so that baseline (2008) characteristics are balanced between treatment and control within the subsample of recipients who had children. Results are qualitatively unchanged for both female and male recipients. The authors also note that children of female recipients are younger on average (4.71 months, p=0.067), which is why the study collects data at fixed age windows (14-22 months, 2.5 years, 3.5 years, 5 years, 7 years) rather than in a single cross-sectional wave.

Q: What is the cost-effectiveness and cost-benefit result for secondary school scholarships? A: Social costs are estimated at $585 per recipient for a mixed-gender program and $505 for a female-only program (combining school fees, materials, and foregone wages). The cost per under-three death averted is $23,582 for mixed-gender and $15,184 for female-only — placing the female-only program within the range of the 10th-percentile most cost-effective WHO-recommended child health interventions. The IRR is 27%–76% for a female-only means-tested scholarship program and 20%–51% for a mixed-gender program. These are likely conservative, as they exclude welfare gains from avoiding unwanted pregnancies, greater female agency, and recipient health benefits.

Q: What is the scope of the experiment and to what population do findings generalize? A: The study estimates ITT effects for students in rural Ghana who qualified for SHS on exam performance but faced binding financial constraints in 2008 — a population that is academically prepared but economically disadvantaged. Results do not directly apply to students who would not have qualified, to contexts without binding financial barriers, or to settings where secondary school quality or the marriage market differs substantially. The study also cannot yet observe complete fertility, since scholarship-lottery participants were only 31 years old on average at last follow-up.

LENA (Language Environment Analysis): A day-long recording device worn by a child that uses speech recognition software to generate count-based metrics — adult word count, adult-child conversational turns, and child vocalizations per minute — providing an objective measure of the child’s auditory environment and caregiver engagement quality without reliance on self-report.

IRT Score (Item Response Theory Score): A latent-trait measure of child cognitive ability estimated from a one-parameter logistic model applied to binary correct/incorrect responses across cognitive game questions, assigned a difficulty level to each question and a latent ability to each child, then standardized. Used as the primary cognitive development outcome across age windows.

Incarceration Effect: The hypothesis that education delays fertility mechanically only while students are in school (analogous to incarceration preventing activity), with no persistent effect once they exit. The authors rule this out by showing that the fertility gap between female treatment and control groups persists well after the majority of scholarship recipients have graduated.

Quality-Quantity Trade-off (Becker 1991): The economic framework predicting that more educated parents, facing higher opportunity costs of children and lower costs of investing in child quality, will have fewer but better-invested-in children. The authors find delayed and reduced fertility but do not find that recipients have fewer children to care for in the cognitive assessment sample, suggesting the child quality gains operate primarily through parenting practices rather than resource concentration.

Intent-to-Treat (ITT) Effect: The treatment effect estimated by comparing all lottery winners to all losers regardless of whether winners actually enrolled, which captures the effect of the scholarship offer (including compliance costs). The cost-benefit analysis uses ITT estimates, so the cost of subsidizing inframarginal students who would have attended anyway is incorporated.

Entropy Balancing: A reweighting procedure (Hainmueller, 2012) that assigns weights to observations in the control group so that the weighted distribution of baseline covariates matches that of the treatment group, used to assess whether imbalances in the subsample of participants who had children drive the results. The authors apply this as a robustness check for both mortality and cognitive development outcomes.

Unwanted Pregnancy: A pregnancy reported by the respondent as unplanned at the time of conception, which the authors use to distinguish fertility reduction from a change in desired fertility versus a reduction in unintended out-of-wedlock pregnancies. The scholarship’s early fertility impact is almost entirely a reduction in unwanted pregnancies (7 percentage point decline, 17% reduction).