Ideological Alignment and Evidence-Based Policy Adoption

This paper investigates how the ideological alignment between knowledge-disseminating institutions and policymakers affects the adoption of evidence-based policies. The core research question is whether, and through which mechanisms, the ideology of the messenger — rather than the content of the message — determines whether local policymakers act on rigorous research evidence.

The authors conduct a country-wide randomized controlled trial (RCT) across 5,678 touristic Spanish municipalities. The policy recommendation derives from Hinnosaar et al. (2021), an RCT demonstrating that minor improvements to municipalities’ Wikipedia pages (adding photographs, local festival information, touristic landmark details) increased overnight tourist stays by 9%. This policy was chosen because it is ideologically neutral, low cost, within local policymakers’ remit, and its implementation is directly traceable via Wikipedia edit histories.

Municipalities were randomized into five treatment arms and a control group (approximately 950 municipalities each), stratified by ruling party ideology, population, and touristic accommodation count. Three arms received the same policy brief endorsed by: (1) an ideologically aligned think tank (FAES for right-wing municipalities, Fundación Alternativas for left-wing), (2) the ideologically opposite think tank, or (3) an ideologically nonsalient researcher from the London School of Economics. Two further arms received links to newspaper articles covering the same research from either an ideologically aligned outlet (El Mundo for right, Eldiario.es for left) or an ideologically opposite outlet. The control group received no information. The experiment ran from May to December 2022, with multiple reminder emails sent across the period.

The main outcome is a binary indicator for whether a municipality’s Wikipedia page was changed in line with the recommended guidelines during the study period, coded blind to treatment status by two independent coders.

Key findings: Pooled across all treatment arms, information provision increased the probability of policy adoption by approximately 0.98 percentage points (a 38% relative increase over the control group baseline), but this effect is only marginally above conventional significance thresholds (p-value = 0.13). The aggregate effect masks sharp heterogeneity by ideological alignment. When the informing institution’s ideology aligns with the policymaker’s, policy adoption increases by 1.68 percentage points (think tank) and 1.67 percentage points (newspaper) relative to the control group — equivalent to a 66% and 65% relative increase, respectively, both statistically significant at the 5% level. By contrast, information from an ideologically opposite institution produces a coefficient that is negligible and statistically indistinguishable from zero, indicating that misaligned information is no more effective than receiving no information at all. The ideologically nonsalient LSE researcher arm produced an intermediate effect (0.94 percentage points, 37% relative increase), but the p-value (0.27) exceeds conventional thresholds, and the effect is not statistically distinguishable from either the aligned or the control condition. Policy briefs and newspaper articles are equally effective when ideologically aligned (difference of 0.1 percentage points, p-value = 0.82).

To decompose mechanisms, the authors propose a three-stage framework: (1) selective exposure to information, (2) belief updating, and (3) policy implementation. Email click-through rates (access to the full policy brief or article once the informing institution is revealed) do not differ significantly across treatment arms, ruling out selective exposure as the operative mechanism. A post-intervention online survey experiment with 1,600 policymakers from 1,196 municipalities shows that those receiving information from an aligned or nonsalient institution updated their beliefs about policy effectiveness significantly more than those receiving information from an opposite institution, implicating belief updating as one operative channel. However, comparing the survey experiment (where nonsalient and aligned treatments produce similar belief updating) with the main experiment (where the aligned arm adopts at nearly twice the rate of the nonsalient arm, though not statistically distinguishable) suggests that ideological alignment also affects the third stage — policy implementation — beyond mere belief updating.

The estimated monetary cost of ideological misalignment is 2,192 euros per municipality per year, calculated using the impact of Wikipedia changes on touristic revenues from Hinnosaar et al. (2021).

Scope conditions: The context is Spanish local government, a policy that is explicitly non-ideological, low-cost, and easily implemented. Generalizability to ideologically charged or costly policies is not established. Left-wing municipalities show larger responses to aligned information, though this heterogeneity is not statistically significant at conventional levels.

Q: What is the baseline rate of policy adoption in the control group, and what does the aligned-institution treatment achieve in absolute terms?

A: The paper reports that ideologically aligned institutions increase the share of municipalities implementing recommended Wikipedia changes by 1.68 percentage points (think tank) and 1.67 percentage points (newspaper) relative to the control group. Working backward from the stated 66% and 65% relative increases, this implies a control group baseline of approximately 2.5 percentage points. The aligned effects are statistically significant at the 5% level.

Q: Does information from an ideologically opposite institution have any effect on policy adoption?

A: No. The coefficient for opposite-ideology treatment arms is negligible in magnitude, closely resembling the near-zero coefficients from the placebo analysis conducted for the same months in 2019 (pre-intervention). The authors conclude that receiving information from an ideologically opposite institution is statistically indistinguishable from receiving no information at all. This null result is consistent across heterogeneity analyses by mayor ideology, municipality population, Wikipedia page length, and party type.

Q: How does the ideologically nonsalient (LSE researcher) treatment compare to aligned and opposite arms?

A: The nonsalient arm increases policy adoption by 0.94 percentage points (a 37% relative increase), approximately half the effect of the aligned arm (1.68 percentage points). However, the p-value is 0.27, and the effect is not statistically different from either the aligned arm (p-value = 0.34) or the control group at conventional confidence levels. The result should therefore be interpreted with caution.

Q: Are policy briefs or newspaper articles more effective in promoting policy adoption?

A: Neither format is significantly more effective than the other. Conditional on ideological alignment, the difference between policy brief and newspaper article effects is 0.1 percentage points with a p-value of 0.82. Both are equally effective when ideologically aligned with the receiving policymaker, a finding the authors describe as a novel contribution to the policy communication literature.

Q: Does ideological alignment affect whether policymakers choose to access the full information (selective exposure)?

A: No. Click-through rates on the links to policy briefs or newspaper articles — measured after policymakers have seen the informing institution’s identity — do not differ significantly across treatment arms. The observed average click-through rate is 6.42%. This null result is consistent with the hypothesis that policymakers do not strategically filter information acquisition based on the messenger’s ideology, at least for non-ideological policies.

Q: What does the survey experiment reveal about belief updating?

A: In the post-intervention survey experiment with 1,600 policymakers, participants first reported beliefs about a purportedly beneficial (but actually harmful) policy, then were randomly assigned to receive information about its negative effects from an aligned, opposite, or nonsalient think tank. Those receiving information from an aligned or nonsalient institution updated their beliefs significantly more than those receiving information from an ideologically opposite institution. This implicates belief updating — not just selective exposure — as a channel through which ideological alignment affects policy adoption.

Q: Why do the authors conclude that ideological alignment also affects the third stage (policy implementation) beyond belief updating?

A: In the survey experiment, aligned and nonsalient institutions produce statistically similar belief updating. Yet in the main field experiment, the aligned arm adopts policy at nearly twice the rate of the nonsalient arm (1.68 vs. 0.94 percentage points), although this difference is not statistically significant. The authors interpret this gap as suggestive evidence that ideological alignment affects policy implementation through channels beyond belief updating — such as career concerns, party cues, or the political economy of implementation — though they acknowledge the evidence is indirect and the treatment difference is not statistically distinguishable.

Q: What is the estimated economic cost of ideological misalignment?

A: The authors estimate a cost of 2,192 euros per municipality per year attributable to ideological misalignment between the informing institution and the receiving policymaker. This calculation uses the estimated impact of Wikipedia changes on touristic revenues from Hinnosaar et al. (2021) and reflects not the cost of not implementing the policy, but the marginal cost of using an ideologically opposite rather than aligned institution to disseminate the research evidence.

Q: How did outside researchers’ predictions compare to actual results?

A: Researchers surveyed on the Social Science Prediction Platform correctly anticipated the rank ordering of treatment effectiveness (aligned > nonsalient > opposite > control) but substantially overestimated adoption rates in every arm. They predicted relative increases of 144%, 103%, and 48% for aligned, nonsalient, and opposite conditions respectively, compared to actual relative increases of roughly 65%, 37%, and ~0%. Email opening rates were the most accurately predicted (49% predicted vs. 38% actual). The results highlight the difficulty of translating evidence into policy even for simple, low-cost interventions.

Q: What are the main threats to validity and how are they addressed?

A: Three main threats are considered. First, differential email opening rates across treatment arms: addressed by showing the informing institution was revealed only after email opening, and confirmed by finding no significant differences in opening rates across groups. Second, spillovers between municipalities: the endline survey shows only 5 of 236 control-group respondents reported receiving any information from external sources; spillover distance analyses in Table D.II find no significant effect on control municipalities’ adoption rates. Third, contamination bias in multi-arm RCTs with strata fixed effects: addressed by replicating main results using the Goldsmith-Pinkham et al. (2022) method, yielding nearly identical estimates.

Q: What heterogeneity is observed across left- and right-wing municipalities?

A: The positive effect of receiving information from an ideologically aligned institution appears larger for left-wing municipalities, with coefficients approximately three times larger than for right-wing municipalities, but this difference is not statistically significant at conventional confidence levels. The authors caution that the strength of ideological alignment may differ systematically between the partner think tanks on the left and right, making direct comparisons between left- and right-wing effects difficult to interpret cleanly.

Q: How does the paper relate to prior work on evidence-based policymaking?

A: The closest prior work is Hjort et al. (2021) and Mehmood et al. (2024), which examine the impact of scientific evidence access on actual policy adoption, and DellaVigna and Kim (2022), which identifies ideology as a factor in the diffusion of innovative policies across governments. The present paper’s main contribution is being the first to isolate the causal effect of ideological alignment on policy adoption using a large-scale field experiment with real, authoritative ideological institutions — rather than surveys or hypothetical scenarios — while using a non-ideological policy recommendation to avoid confounding messenger ideology with policy ideology.

Ideological alignment: In this paper’s usage, the congruence between the political ideology of the institution disseminating research evidence (think tank or newspaper) and the political ideology of the local government receiving that information. Alignment is operationalized by matching right-wing municipalities with right-leaning institutions (FAES, El Mundo) and left-wing municipalities with left-leaning institutions (Fundación Alternativas, Eldiario.es).

Evidence-based policy adoption: The actual implementation by local policymakers of a policy recommendation derived from published peer-reviewed research — measured here as whether a municipality’s Wikipedia page was edited in line with specific recommended guidelines during the study period, not merely expressed intention or stated support.

Knowledge brokers: Institutions, such as think tanks, that serve as intermediaries between academic researchers and policymakers, translating and disseminating research findings in accessible formats (policy briefs) to bridge the gap between evidence and policy.

Nonsalient ideology: A condition in which the informing institution carries no salient or recognizable partisan affiliation, operationalized here by a foreign research university professor (LSE) whose institutional identity does not carry a clear left-right signal in the Spanish political context.

Three-stage policy adoption framework: The authors’ conceptual structure positing that ideology can interfere at three sequential stages: (1) selective exposure — whether policymakers choose to access information once the messenger’s ideology is revealed; (2) belief updating — whether policymakers revise their assessment of a policy’s effectiveness upon receiving evidence; and (3) policy implementation — whether policymakers act on updated beliefs to adopt the policy.

Selective exposure: The tendency of individuals to avoid information from sources whose ideology conflicts with their own prior beliefs; in this paper, operationalized as differential click-through rates on links to policy briefs or news articles after the informing institution’s identity is revealed.

Motivated reasoning: A documented tendency, also observed in policymakers, to reject or discount evidence that contradicts ideologically held prior beliefs — the mechanism proposed to explain why opposite-ideology information fails to update beliefs as effectively as aligned-ideology information.