How Costly Are Cartels?

Layer 1: Overview

Moreau and Panon ask how much cartels cost the aggregate economy — in terms of both total factor productivity and welfare — and find the losses are considerably larger than the received wisdom from Harberger (1954) would suggest. The paper’s motivation is the mounting evidence that markups are large and growing, combined with a near-total absence of macroeconomic quantification of collusion as one micro-origin of those markups.

The empirical foundation is an original firm-level database for France covering the period 1994–2007, assembled by scraping all written decisions of the French Competition Authority (ADLC). The final dataset contains 174 cartels and more than 1,000 firms before matching. These cartel records are merged to administrative balance-sheet and income-statement data covering the universe of French firms (BRN and RSI regimes). Key facts documented: average cartel duration is 4.5 years (median 3 years); average cartel size is 6.3 members (median 4); cartels are prevalent across construction, manufacturing, wholesale, retail, and transportation. Crucially, cartel members are empirically shown to be dramatically larger than non-members even within narrowly defined 4-digit industries — roughly 1,900% more sales, a market share premium of 4 percentage points, 1,150% more employment, and 37% higher labor productivity. Firms within a cartel are also substantially more homogeneous in productivity than the overall within-industry distribution: the interquartile productivity ratio across cartel members is only 1.4-to-1, versus 2-to-1 across all non-cartel firms in the same industry.

The theoretical framework extends the static heterogeneous-firm oligopoly model of Atkeson and Burstein (2008) by introducing collusion microfounded via the cross-ownership framework of O’Brien and Salop (1999). A single collusion-intensity parameter κ ∈ [0,1] governs how much each cartel member internalizes the profits of other members. When κ = 0 the model reduces to competitive Cournot oligopoly; when κ = 1 all cartel members jointly maximize profits. In equilibrium, markups rise with firm market share, generating endogenous markup dispersion. Adding collusion causes cartel members to face a lower effective demand elasticity — their own market share augmented by the weighted market shares of co-conspirators — and to charge supracompetitive markups (overcharges). Critically, the effect of cartels on aggregate productivity is theoretically ambiguous: the output contraction of colluding firms redirects demand toward non-colluding firms. If the cartel is composed of the largest (most productive) firms, demand shifts toward less productive non-members, reducing productivity. If the cartel is composed of the least efficient firms, demand shifts toward large non-members, potentially improving allocation.

The model is calibrated to match six moments from French data in 2007 — aggregate markup, cartel overcharge, the slope of the inverse-markup-on-HHI regression, the median number of firms per sector, the median number of cartel members, and the distribution of relative sales. The key calibrated parameters are: within-sector elasticity of substitution ρ = 10.19; across-sector elasticity η = 1.86; collusion intensity κ = 0.79. The cartel overcharge target is set to 10%, consistent with the OECD benchmark used by antitrust authorities and with Laborde (2021).

Main quantitative findings (baseline calibration, cartels composed of top producers):

1. Eliminating all cartels raises aggregate TFP by 1.1%.
2. The productivity cost of markups with respect to the efficient allocation is 70% higher in the model with collusion (3.67%) than in the calibrated competitive oligopoly (2.16%), because collusion generates additional markup dispersion on top of the dispersion inherent in firm heterogeneity.
3. Eliminating cartels brings the economy 30% closer to the efficient allocation.
4. The aggregate markup falls by approximately 1.5 percentage points when cartels are eliminated.
5. Consumption-equivalent welfare gains from eliminating cartels equal 2%.
6. Larger cartels (market share above median) account for roughly 80% of the productivity gains; dismantling only large cartels yields a 0.88% TFP gain and 1.97% consumption-equivalent welfare gain; smaller cartels yield 0.23% TFP and 0.54% welfare.
7. Umbrella pricing — non-cartel members raise their markups because the cartel’s higher prices provide cover — dampens aggregate gains quantitatively but only slightly: fixing non-members’ markups yields 1.14% productivity gain versus 1.11% in the benchmark.
8. Reducing collusion intensity from κ = 0.79 to κ ≈ 0.4 (roughly a 50% reduction) still generates TFP gains of 0.54% and welfare gains of 0.85%, demonstrating that tougher antitrust enforcement at the intensive margin (forcing cartels to soften, not dissolve) yields substantial gains.
9. These estimates are one order of magnitude above Harberger’s (1954) 0.1% dead-weight loss estimate; the paper shows this discrepancy arises because Harberger uses sectoral data and near-unit demand elasticities, both of which suppress markup dispersion within sectors.

The paper’s scope conditions are explicit: results reflect the static cost of cartels; dynamic effects (entry deterrence, innovation incentives) are acknowledged but not quantified; only domestic, detected cartels are covered, so estimates likely understate the true cost; the channel through geographic markup dispersion is excluded.

Layer 2: Deep Dive

What is the paper’s primary identification strategy, and what are its main limitations?

The paper does not rely on a natural experiment or difference-in-differences design. Instead, it uses a structural calibration approach: a heterogeneous-firm oligopoly model with collusion is calibrated to match French data moments, and the cost of cartels is computed as the difference between the calibrated cartel equilibrium and a counterfactual competitive Nash-Cournot equilibrium. The main threats to this strategy are: (1) the sample of cartels consists only of detected cartels, which may not be representative of the latent population — discovered cartels could be either more or less severe than undiscovered ones; (2) no firm-level price data are available, so markups cannot be estimated directly; (3) the counterfactual is a calibrated competitive model rather than an empirically observed post-cartel state; (4) the model abstracts from entry and exit, which may dampen or amplify the true gains from cartel dissolution.

What are the main mechanisms through which cartels affect aggregate productivity, and how are they distinguished?

Two channels operate simultaneously. First, the direct price effect: cartel members raise markups above the competitive level (overcharges), reducing their output. In the presence of markup dispersion, this disproportionately contracts output from high-markup (high-productivity) firms, increasing misallocation. Second, the demand reallocation effect: as cartel members contract output and raise prices, non-cartel members gain market share and increase their markups via the umbrella pricing mechanism. The net effect on productivity depends on which firms gain market share. When cartels consist of top producers, reallocation goes toward less productive non-members, reducing aggregate TFP. When cartels consist of the least efficient firms, reallocation goes toward larger non-members, potentially improving allocation. The two channels are not empirically separated in the data; rather, the model disentangles them analytically and then disciplines the net effect via calibration to observed cartel overcharges.

Why do the authors assume cartels are composed of the most productive firms, and what is the evidence for this?

The assumption is motivated by three pieces of evidence. First, empirical regressions on the matched administrative data show that cartel members within their 4-digit industries have roughly 1,900% more sales, 1,150% more employment, and 37% higher labor productivity than non-members. Second, firms within a cartel are much more homogeneous than the overall within-industry distribution: the interquartile productivity ratio within a cartel is 1.4-to-1, versus approximately 2-to-1 for all non-cartel firms in the same industry, and the 90-10 ratio is 1.7-to-1 within a cartel versus over 4-to-1 across the industry. Third, only the top-producer composition assumption, combined with a collusion intensity κ = 0.79, can generate a cartel overcharge of 10% consistent with the calibration target. All other composition configurations (least efficient, all-inclusive, random top-10%) yield either implausibly small overcharges or implausibly large ones.

What is the umbrella pricing effect and how large is it quantitatively?

Umbrella pricing refers to the mechanism by which cartel members’ higher prices raise the sectoral price index, allowing non-cartel members to expand output and raise their own markups without reducing their market share. Proposition 1 of the model shows that collusion increases the markups of all firms — cartel and non-cartel — with non-cartel members experiencing markup increases that are larger for larger non-members. Quantitatively, when non-cartel members are held to fixed markups (so the umbrella effect is turned off), the aggregate TFP gain from eliminating cartels rises from 1.11% to 1.14% — a difference of 0.03 percentage points, or less than 3% of the total effect. The welfare effect is similarly small: 2.01% versus 2.00%. The umbrella pricing channel thus dampens aggregate gains but is quantitatively minor.

What heterogeneity in cartel effects is documented?

Three dimensions of heterogeneity are explored. First, cartel size matters: large cartels (those with cumulated market share above the median) account for roughly 80% of the aggregate TFP gain from eliminating all cartels (0.88 percentage points out of 1.11%), while small cartels account for only 0.23 percentage points. Second, cartel composition is critical: top-producer cartels amplify misallocation, all-inclusive cartels generate very large overcharges and dramatically higher misallocation, least-efficient-firm cartels barely affect allocation, and random-top-10% cartels can slightly improve allocation. Third, collusion intensity matters monotonically: across the range κ = 0.1 to κ = 0.4, TFP gains from elimination fall from 0.99% to 0.54%, and welfare gains fall from 1.70% to 0.85%.

What robustness checks are run, and how do the results change?

The paper runs six main robustness experiments, all recalibrating the model: (1) Alternative overcharge target of 15% (versus 10% baseline): requires κ = 1.28, yields TFP gains of 1.63% and welfare gains of 2.77%. (2) Low aggregate markup target M = 1.1: TFP gain of 1.37%, welfare gain of 2.07%. (3) High aggregate markup target M = 1.3: TFP gain of 0.90%, welfare gain of 1.96%. (4) Bertrand rather than Cournot competition: TFP gain of 0.55%, welfare gain of 1.35% — smaller because Bertrand generates less markup dispersion, though the reduction in distance to the efficient allocation is larger (39%). (5) Heterogeneous κ across cartels drawn from a truncated normal with four variance levels: TFP gains range from 0.84% to 1.11% and welfare gains from 1.53% to 1.99%, close to the benchmark of 1.11% and 2.00%. (6) The cartel screen regression yields an estimated κ of 0.70 from data on colluding firms, close to the calibrated benchmark of 0.79.

How does the model generate a cartel detection screen, and what does it find?

The model’s equilibrium first-order conditions imply a regression of a cartel member’s labor share (a proxy for the inverse markup under log-linear production) on its own market share and the total cartel market share. The ratio of the estimated coefficient on cartel market share to the sum of both coefficients recovers the collusion intensity κ. Running this regression on the sample of detected cartel firms, the authors find a coefficient on own market share of -0.53 and an intercept of 0.70, both significant at 1%. Adding the cartel joint market share, its coefficient is negative and significant at 1%; the estimated κ from this specification is 0.70, close to the benchmark of 0.79. Results are qualitatively robust to including year fixed effects, though estimates become slightly noisier.

How do the authors explain the large discrepancy with Harberger (1954)?

Harberger’s classic estimate of the deadweight loss from monopoly is approximately 0.1% of GDP. The authors show that their model can reproduce estimates close to this when (a) the model is aggregated to the sectoral level, eliminating within-sector markup dispersion — in that case, the TFP gain from eliminating cartels falls to 0.08%; or (b) demand elasticities are set close to unity as in Harberger’s sectoral data — the TFP gain falls to 0.24%. The key reason for the discrepancy is that Harberger’s framework suppresses both the within-sector dispersion of markups (which in the baseline model amplifies allocative losses) and the endogenous markup response to market share changes (which is large when ρ is substantially greater than 1). Using disaggregated firm-level data and calibrated high-within-sector elasticities restores the large estimated costs.

What are the policy implications and their scope conditions?

The paper implies that antitrust enforcement against horizontal price-fixing cartels can yield aggregate TFP gains of 1.1% and welfare gains of 2% in consumption-equivalent terms — figures the authors describe as conservative, because (i) the estimate is static (no dynamic gains from entry or innovation effects are included), (ii) only domestic detected cartels are captured and international cartels are excluded, (iii) geographic markup dispersion is abstracted from, and (iv) the calibration uses a conservative overcharge target of 10%. Importantly, the gains from targeting the intensive margin (forcing cartels to reduce overcharges rather than dissolving them entirely) are also substantial: a 50% reduction in κ still yields 0.54% TFP and 0.85% welfare gains. The results further imply that industrial policy and trade liberalization reforms that ignore competition enforcement may be partially undermined if new market power enables cartelization. The scope condition most critical to the quantitative magnitude is cartel composition: results depend on cartels being composed of top producers; the sign and magnitude of productivity effects can flip for alternative compositions. The authors also note that if cartels spur long-run innovation (through higher profits), their static welfare cost estimates would overstate the net social cost.

How does this paper differ from Edmond, Midrigan, and Xu (2022) and Baqaee and Farhi (2020)?

Edmond et al. (2022) and Baqaee and Farhi (2020) quantify the total welfare and productivity cost of markups relative to the efficient allocation — the gap between the current economy (with all its markup dispersion from firm heterogeneity) and the first-best. Moreau and Panon instead isolate the cost of one specific, policy-relevant source of excess markup dispersion — collusion — by computing the gap between the cartel equilibrium and the competitive (but still imperfect) Nash-Cournot equilibrium. They also show that competitive oligopoly models of the Edmond et al. type understate the total misallocation cost of markups by approximately 70% when cartels are present and composed of top producers, because competitive models are calibrated to match the same aggregate markup data but attribute all markup dispersion to firm heterogeneity rather than to collusion. The papers are thus complementary: Edmond et al. bound the full cost of all markup distortions, while Moreau and Panon bound the portion attributable to cartels and amenable to competition enforcement.

What caveats and limitations do the authors acknowledge?

The authors flag several important limitations. (1) The analysis is static: dynamic effects — including entry deterrence by cartels, barriers to exit for inefficient firms, and the innovation-competition relationship — are not modeled. The relationship between competition and innovation is hump-shaped (Aghion et al., 2005), so cartels could in principle spur or dampen innovation; the authors treat their estimates as an upper bound if cartels raise innovation. (2) Only detected French domestic cartels are in the sample; international cartels (investigated by the European Commission) and undetected cartels are excluded, likely causing understatement of total costs. (3) The selection of detected cartels is non-random: the direction of bias from using only discovered cartels is unclear — discovered cartels may be unusually large (biasing costs upward) or undiscovered large cartels may exist (biasing costs downward). (4) The model abstracts from geographic markup dispersion and from vertical arrangements across industries. (5) The model has no entry or exit of firms, which could amplify or dampen transition dynamics. (6) Firm-level prices are unavailable, so markups cannot be directly measured and must be inferred from the model or from labor shares.

Key Concepts

Collusion intensity parameter (κ): A scalar in [0,1] that governs the weight each cartel member assigns to co-conspirators’ profits when choosing output. When κ = 0, behavior is competitive Cournot; when κ = 1, members jointly maximize aggregate cartel profits. In the baseline calibration κ = 0.79, chosen to match a 10% median cartel overcharge in French data.

Cartel overcharge: The percentage difference in cartel members’ average markups between the cartel equilibrium and the competitive Nash-Cournot equilibrium. Computed as the median overcharge across cartels in the model. In the baseline calibration it is 10%, consistent with the OECD benchmark and Laborde (2021). The overcharge increases with both collusion intensity (κ) and the cartel’s total market share.

Umbrella pricing: The mechanism by which a cartel’s higher prices raise the sectoral price index, enabling non-cartel members to expand demand, gain market share, and charge higher markups than they would in the absence of the cartel. In the model, umbrella pricing implies that the introduction of collusion increases the markups of all firms in cartelized sectors, not just cartel members; quantitatively, the effect dampens but does not reverse the aggregate productivity gains from cartel dissolution.

Distance to efficient allocation: The ratio of the productivity gain from eliminating cartels (Acartel → Acomp) to the total productivity gain from eliminating all markup dispersion (Acomp → Aeff or equivalently from Acartel → Aeff). In the baseline, eliminating cartels reduces this distance by 30%, meaning cartels are responsible for roughly 30% of the gap between the actual economy and the first-best efficient allocation.

Endogenous markups (size-related): In the Atkeson-Burstein framework embedded in this model, a firm’s equilibrium markup is a harmonic average of within- and between-sector demand elasticities weighted by the firm’s own market share. More productive firms endogenously hold larger market shares and thus face lower demand elasticities, charging higher markups. Collusion further distorts this by augmenting the effective market share with co-members’ shares, yielding supracompetitive overcharges.

Cartel composition: The identity of firms within a cartel — specifically, where they sit in the within-industry productivity distribution. The paper shows this is the single most important determinant of whether cartels amplify or dampen aggregate misallocation. Empirically, discovered French cartels are composed of the largest, most productive firms (nearly 1,900% more sales than non-members), and this is the only composition configuration that can match observed 10% overcharges in the calibrated model.

Intensive versus extensive margin of cartel policy: The extensive margin refers to whether a cartel exists (zero versus positive κ); the intensive margin refers to the degree of collusion among existing cartel members (high versus low κ). The paper shows both margins are quantitatively important: breaking down all cartels (extensive margin) yields 1.11% TFP gain, while halving κ without dissolution (intensive margin) yields 0.54% TFP gain and 0.85% welfare gain.

Cartel screen: A regression of cartel members’ labor shares on their own market share and the joint cartel market share, derived directly from the model’s equilibrium first-order conditions. The collusion intensity κ can be recovered as the ratio of the joint market share coefficient to the sum of both market share coefficients. Applied to French data on detected cartel firms, this screen yields κ̂ = 0.70, close to the calibrated value of 0.79.