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Forthcoming [The Economic Journal] doi:10.1093/ej/ueag030

Global Value Chains and Labor Standards: The Race-to-the-Bottom Problem

Hyejoon Im (Yeungnam University

South Korea)

John McLaren (University of Virginia

USA)

What this paper finds — and why it matters

Layer 1: Overview

Im and McLaren (2025) ask whether globalization induces governments to weaken labor standards for workers — the so-called “race to the bottom” (RTB) hypothesis. The question has high stakes: advocates point to events such as the 1,136-worker Rana Plaza factory collapse in Bangladesh (2013) and to India’s deregulation campaign after 2014 (associated with approximately 6,500 workplace deaths in 2015–2020) as evidence that competition for global capital systematically erodes safety and working conditions. The paper builds a stylized many-country equilibrium model of labor-market integration adapted from the Grossman and Rossi-Hansberg (2008) tasks framework. Output requires a continuum of tasks z in [0,1], performable in any of N countries; labor requirements per task follow a Weibull distribution (shape parameter nu > 0), independently across tasks and countries. Working conditions (kappa_i) enter the cost function multiplicatively — better conditions reduce worker productivity at the relevant margin. Utility is separable in wages and conditions with both components strictly concave, and Assumption 1 (xxi’(x) and xmu’(x) strictly decreasing) ensures conditions are normal goods and second-order conditions hold. The unregulated equilibrium task allocation is equivalent to CES cost minimization with elasticity of substitution 1/(1-rho) > 1, rho = nu/(1+nu). Governments set minimum standards non-cooperatively in Nash equilibrium.\n\nThe paper’s results fall into two conceptually distinct categories. “Globalization in the large” (autarky vs. open economy): whether standards are market-determined or government-set, integrating two previously autarkic countries raises labor standards in both (Proposition 1). Under autarky, market and government-optimal conditions coincide — all costs of better standards are borne domestically. Under trade, wages rise (income channel: conditions are a normal good), and governments gain a terms-of-trade incentive: tightening kappa_i makes domestic effective labor scarcer and shifts part of the cost onto foreign consumers, inducing government standards to strictly exceed market standards. Formally, for each country i: autarky level = market level under autarky < market level under integration < government level under integration.\n\n"Globalization at the margin" with symmetric countries (Proposition 2): as more identical countries join (N increasing), both market-set and government-set standards rise monotonically. The terms-of-trade motive does not vanish because each country specializes in an increasingly narrow value-chain slice, retaining market power regardless of N. Government standards exceed market standards for every N >= 2 and grow strictly with N — a race to the top — and are shown to be above the social optimum because each country externally imposes part of its improvement costs on others.\n\n"Globalization at the margin" with a North-South structure (Proposition 3): when Southern host countries (i = 2,…,N) have perfectly correlated productivity draws (close substitutes for one another), the result reverses for N > 2. Integration of two countries initially raises Southern standards via both channels. But as additional similar Southern competitors join, competition depresses Southern wages and erodes both the income-based demand for better conditions and the terms-of-trade motive (unilateral tightening redirects demand to competitors without cost-shifting benefit). Both market and government standards fall monotonically as N rises beyond 2. As N approaches infinity, both converge to autarky levels. Critically, however, for any finite N, Southern standards remain strictly above their autarky levels — the race to the bottom, even when operative, never fully materializes while integration is incomplete. The efficiency implication is counter-intuitive: government-set standards are inefficiently strict under GVCs because each country over-provides standards by externalizing costs onto trading partners.

Layer 2: Deep Dive

What is the model’s formal structure and how does it generate tractable results?

The model adapts Grossman and Rossi-Hansberg (2008). Output requires a unit measure of tasks; labor requirement for task z in country i is A_i * a^i_z, where A_i = bar_A_i * kappa_i, so working conditions raise unit labor costs. Each a^i_z is drawn Weibull(nu, 1) independently. A result (adapted from Anderson et al. 1987, applied by Artuç and McLaren 2015) is that the cost-minimizing task allocation is equivalent to minimizing cost with a CES aggregate of national effective labor supplies, with elasticity of substitution 1/(1-rho) and rho = nu/(1+nu). This reduces the multi-dimensional problem to a standard CES factor-demand problem, yielding closed-form wage equations and tractable Nash equilibrium characterizations.

What are the two channels driving ‘globalization in the large’ raising standards above autarky?

Two reinforcing channels. First, the income channel: integration raises real wages (gains from specialization), and since working conditions are a normal good under Assumption 1 (utility sufficiently concave), demand for better conditions rises. Second, the terms-of-trade channel: tightening kappa_i makes domestic effective labor more expensive and scarcer; part of the resulting cost increase is borne by foreign consumers and workers via the unit cost identity rather than solely by domestic workers. This cost-shifting gives governments an incentive to tighten standards beyond what the unregulated market sets. The mechanism is formally analogous to the policy externalities in Bagwell and Staiger (2001) and the terms-of-trade motive in Chau and Kanbur (2006), though the latter has no value chains.

Why does the terms-of-trade motive for over-regulation persist even as the number of symmetric countries approaches infinity?

As more countries join, each specializes in an increasingly narrow slice of the value chain in which it has comparative advantage. This deepening specialization preserves market power: the wage derivative dw_1/d_kappa_1 converges to a limit proportional to rho*w/kappa (strictly greater than the pure autarky productivity effect -w/kappa) rather than to zero. So even in the limit with infinitely many symmetric countries, each country retains some terms-of-trade gain from tightening its standard, and government standards keep rising above market standards.

Under what precise conditions does the race-to-the-bottom result hold?

The RTB result (Proposition 3) requires that competing host countries be close substitutes for one another. The paper operationalizes this with the extreme case of perfectly correlated productivity draws across Southern countries (a^i_z = a^2_z for all i >= 2 and all tasks z). Under this structure, as N increases from 2 onward, Southern market and government standards fall monotonically toward autarky levels. The mechanism: competition among near-identical countries means unilateral tightening of kappa_2 redirects Northern demand to competitors without generating a terms-of-trade gain for Country 2, so the wage falls and conditions deteriorate. The RTB thus requires high substitutability among competitors, not just trade openness.

Does the race to the bottom ever drive standards below autarky levels?

No. Proposition 3 parts (i) and (ii) establish that for any finite N >= 2, both market-set and government-set standards in Southern countries remain strictly above their autarky levels. The race is toward (but never below) the autarky benchmark. Only in the limit as N approaches infinity do standards converge to the autarky level (Proposition 3, part iii). For any realistic finite degree of globalization, even the worst-case RTB scenario leaves standards strictly above autarky.

What is the efficiency implication of Nash equilibrium government-set standards?

Government-set standards under GVCs are inefficiently strict. Each government maximizes domestic welfare ignoring the cost its tightening imposes on foreign consumers and workers. Because tightening kappa_i raises costs partly borne abroad, each government over-provides standards relative to the global social optimum. This is a race to the top that generates a negative international externality — the mirror image of the usual RTB externality. The implication is that international coordination, if it occurred, would likely reduce Nash equilibrium standards toward the optimum, not raise them further.

How does the paper’s setting differ from prior theoretical work on the race to the bottom?

Prior RTB models (Chau and Kanbur 2006; Felbermayr et al. 2012; Chen and Dar-Brodeur 2020) model countries competing for export markets — competing to sell goods to a common importer — rather than competing to host tasks in global value chains. The current paper frames globalization as an increase in the number of countries that can supply tasks to a common production process, a qualitatively different competitive margin. Prior work also largely takes the degree of globalization as fixed, while this paper explicitly traces out effects as N changes. The distinction between similar versus different competitors as a determinant of the direction of the RTB is also new. The companion paper Im and McLaren (NBER WP 31363) extends the framework to collective-bargaining rights with an empirical component.

What heterogeneity is documented and what does it imply?

The paper develops two polar cases of country heterogeneity: (1) symmetric countries with independent productivity draws — produces a race to the top as N rises; (2) North-South structure with correlated (identical) Southern productivity draws — produces a race to the bottom as N rises beyond 2. The contrast is the central result: the direction of the marginal effect of globalization on standards depends on the degree of substitutability among competing host countries. The authors connect this to observed patterns — Korean firms relocating only to East Asian affiliates (similar countries) when domestic minimum wages rose, and Chan and Ross (2003) noting that competition is ‘most vicious not between North and South, but among nations of the South.’

What are the policy implications and their scope conditions?

The core implication is that trade restrictions justified by RTB concerns lack general theoretical support — globalization relative to autarky always raises standards. However, the model validates a targeted RTB concern: when a country faces competition from many similar low-wage countries (e.g., Mexico competing with China in labor-intensive sectors), standards can erode relative to the peak reached under limited integration. The appropriate response in that case is to integrate with structurally different partners (as Mexico did via NAFTA with the US) rather than restrict trade. Since Nash equilibrium standards already exceed the global optimum, international agreements that ratchet standards up further could be welfare-reducing. The paper explicitly cautions that causation is hard to establish in the Mexico-China-NAFTA example, treating it as suggestive illustration rather than proof.

What are the main limitations and threats to the conclusions?

The paper is entirely theoretical; no empirical test is conducted for working conditions (the authors cite data scarcity as the reason, having a companion empirical paper on collective-bargaining rights instead). Key assumptions include: (a) Weibull, independent task-productivity draws (ensure tractability but are untested); (b) working conditions always reduce productivity at the margin (rules out the many cases where safety improvements also raise output — e.g., Alfaro-Ureña et al. 2021 find no productivity effect of responsible sourcing in Costa Rica, suggesting the trade-off assumption is plausible but not universal); (c) citizen activism, which empirically affects labor standards (Harrison and Scorse 2010; Koenig and Poncet 2019, 2022), is abstracted away; (d) the model has a single final good and no intermediate goods trade beyond the task-allocation interpretation, limiting applicability to multi-sector settings.

Key Concepts

Labor standards (kappa_i): In the paper’s specific sense, the quality of working conditions that (i) raise worker utility holding wages fixed and (ii) increase unit labor costs for employers. Explicitly restricted to improvements that involve a trade-off — e.g., safety provisions, clean bathrooms, break times — excluding complementary improvements that raise both utility and productivity.

Globalization in the large: The paper’s term for the comparison of any open-economy equilibrium (N >= 2 countries integrated) against autarky. Result: labor standards are always strictly higher in the open economy whether market-set or government-set, because income rises and the terms-of-trade motive activates.

Globalization at the margin: The paper’s term for the effect on labor standards of adding one more country to an already-integrated economy (increasing N by 1). This effect is ambiguous: it raises standards when new entrants are dissimilar (symmetric model) and lowers them when new entrants are similar (North-South model).

Terms-of-trade effect (labor-standards channel): The mechanism by which tightening a country’s labor standard (raising kappa_i) reduces domestic effective labor supply, raises the relative price of domestic tasks, and shifts part of the cost improvement onto foreign consumers and workers. This creates an incentive for governments to set standards above the market level and above the global social optimum — producing standards that are too strict from an efficiency standpoint.

Normal good (working conditions): The property implied by Assumption 1 (both xxi’(x) and xmu’(x) strictly decreasing in x) that workers’ marginal valuation of working conditions relative to wages is higher at higher income levels. This ensures that any source of income gains — including gains from trade — mechanically raises equilibrium demand for better working conditions.

Race to the top: The paper’s characterization of the symmetric-countries equilibrium: as N increases, both market-set and government-set labor standards rise monotonically, because market power persists through value-chain specialization and the terms-of-trade motive remains strong. Government standards also exceed the social optimum, making this over-regulation an externality imposed on trading partners.

Race to the bottom (conditional): The result in the North-South model where additional similar Southern host countries erode Southern labor standards as N rises beyond 2. The race is toward autarky levels but never below them for finite N. The RTB requires high substitutability among competing host countries and does not hold as a general consequence of globalization.

How this summary was made. Bibliographic fields are pulled from Crossref and OpenAlex and are not model-generated. The summary was drafted from the open-access manuscript , checked by a claim-grounding and calibration review pass, and approved before publishing. Found an error or a misrepresentation? Flag it here — corrections are welcome, especially from the authors.