R11 | Macro Paper Warehouse

Bridges

Mon, 01 Jan 0001 00:00:00 +0000

This paper measures the causal effects of land transport infrastructure on economic activity, exploiting quasi-experimental variation in bridge construction over the Mississippi and Ohio Rivers in the United States. The central empirical puzzle motivating the study is a hump-shaped relationship between per capita income and distance to major land transport routes in contemporary U.S. data: income peaks around 5 km from a transport route, with an elasticity of 0.072 closer than 4.1 km and -0.096 at greater distances, so that 85% of Americans live where local income increases with distance to transport routes rather than decreasing. The question is whether this pattern reflects causal effects of infrastructure, selection, or sorting.

The paper develops two complementary identification strategies. The first exploits tributary confluences — where smaller rivers join larger rivers, sharply raising downstream flow rates and bridge construction costs — to generate quasi-random variation in bridge location. Because bridge construction costs increase convexly with river flow (maximum bending moment scales with span length squared), bridges are disproportionately built just upstream of confluences. The median upstream census tract lies 0.7 km from a bridge versus 2.3 km for the median downstream tract, making upstream tracts on average 60% closer to bridges and 27% closer to the nearest major land transport route. This asymmetry dates to at least 1880 and persists to 2010. Despite this persistent connectivity advantage, by 2010 upstream tracts have 13% lower per capita incomes and 63% higher population densities than downstream neighbours. The implied elasticity of per capita income with respect to distance to land transport, scaling the income effect by the distance-to-transport effect, is approximately 0.44. Income density (income per unit area) is higher upstream, though the difference is not statistically significant. Historical placebo tests using pre-bridge-construction data show no asymmetry in land values or population upstream versus downstream, supporting the identification assumption.

The second strategy exploits variation in the timing of bridge construction. Because major bridge projects involve decades of planning, financing, design, and construction — the Wheeling Suspension Bridge was chartered in 1816 but opened in 1849 — the precise opening date is argued to be exogenous to short-run deviations from local growth trends. Using a county-level panel from 1860 to 2010 (432 counties, 14–19 states), the paper estimates event-study regressions around the first time a county experiences a 50% reduction in distance to a bridge. After such a reduction, farm land values (the best available consistent proxy for total economic activity in historical data) rise immediately and cumulatively by approximately 9% over 30 years. Population rises by approximately 5% over the same period. The proportionally larger rise in land values than population implies higher per capita economic activity in better-connected counties after 30 years.

These two sets of results are reconciled through a narrative account of development. Better bridge access drives industrialization — manufacturing employment shares rise in counties experiencing improved connectivity — and urbanization. Cities form around historical transport routes and expand. Richer households then sort away from historical city centres into lower-density suburban areas, while lower-income households remain near or selectively migrate to the historical transport corridors. This within-city sorting produces the observed cross-sectional gradient: areas nearest transport routes end up with higher population density but lower per capita incomes. The negative local income effect of proximity to transport routes is larger in more urbanized areas and areas with higher income inequality, and is concentrated among non-white and low-education populations.

The paper also contributes a new dataset covering every road and rail bridge (237 total) ever constructed over the Mississippi and Ohio Rivers from 1849 to 2010, assembled from the National Bridge Inventory and extensively cross-checked with satellite imagery and historical sources.

Q: What is the motivating empirical puzzle about transport infrastructure and income?

A: In contemporary U.S. census data, per capita income does not monotonically increase with proximity to land transport routes. Instead, the relationship is hump-shaped: income peaks around 5 km from a major transport route, with a positive elasticity of 0.072 within 4.1 km and a negative elasticity of -0.096 beyond that distance. Population density, by contrast, falls monotonically with distance to transport routes. As a result, 85% of Americans live in places where local mean income increases with distance to transport infrastructure rather than decreasing.

Q: How does the tributary confluence identification strategy work?

A: Tributary confluences — where smaller rivers join the main river — cause sharp, localized increases in river flow rates and thus in bridge construction costs, because cost scales convexly with required span length. This makes bridges systematically more likely to be built just upstream of confluences than just downstream. The strategy compares census tracts located upstream versus downstream of the 27 major tributary confluences identified on the Mississippi and Ohio Rivers, controlling for nearest-tributary fixed effects and distance to the confluence.

Q: What is the magnitude of the connectivity difference between upstream and downstream census tracts?

A: Upstream census tracts are approximately 60% closer to a bridge than downstream tracts (coefficient of 0.91 in log distance to bridge, p < 0.01), and consequently 27% closer to the nearest major land transport route (coefficient of 0.32, p < 0.10). This asymmetry is established by 1880 and persists through 2010. The advantage arises approximately equally from proximity to railroads and primary roads.

Q: What are the causal effects of this connectivity advantage on per capita income and population density?

A: Despite being better connected, upstream census tracts have 13% lower per capita incomes (coefficient 0.14 on the downstream indicator in log per capita income, p < 0.05) and 63% higher population densities (coefficient -0.49 on the downstream indicator in log population density, p < 0.05) in 2010. Income density is higher upstream, but the difference is not statistically distinguishable from zero. Scaling the income effect by the effect on distance to land transport implies an elasticity of approximately 0.44.

Q: What pre-bridge-era placebo tests support the identifying assumption for the tributary confluence strategy?

A: Matching modern census tracts to county-level historical data from 1840 and 1850 (before substantive bridge construction began), the paper finds no statistically significant asymmetry in land values or population density upstream versus downstream of tributary confluences. Asymmetric patterns emerge only after bridge construction begins. Ferry crossing locations, traced through place names in the USGS Geographic Names database, also appear equally frequently upstream and downstream, suggesting ferries did not differentially locate upstream.

Q: How does the timing-based identification strategy work, and what is its key assumption?

A: The strategy uses a county-level panel from 1860 to 2010 and estimates event-study regressions around the first time a county experiences a 50% reduction in distance to a bridge. County fixed effects and county-specific quadratic time trends absorb all fixed differences across counties and average changes in trends. The key assumption is that the exact opening date of a bridge is exogenous to short-run deviations from local long-run growth trends — supported by the argument that major bridges involve decades-long planning processes that evolve independently of local economic fluctuations. Pre-trend tests show no significant differences in outcomes before the event.

Q: What are the quantitative effects of a major improvement in bridge access on land values and population?

A: After a county first experiences a 50% reduction in distance to a bridge, farm land values rise immediately and cumulatively by approximately 9% (cumulative effect on log land values of about 0.09) over 30 years, relative to counties with no such change. Population rises by approximately 5% (cumulative log effect of about 0.05) over the same period. The proportionally larger effect on land values than on population implies that per capita economic activity is higher in better-connected counties 30 years after the event. The divergence between land value and population effects grows over time, suggesting productivity advantages accumulate.

Q: Why does the paper use farm land values rather than other income measures in the historical panel?

A: Farm land values — the total value of farm land and buildings — are the best consistently measured proxy for total economic activity available throughout the 1860–2010 census panel. The paper notes explicitly that as the economy industrializes and urbanizes, farm land values increasingly miss urban land values, implying that the estimated effects on farm land values are likely lower bounds on the true effects on total economic activity.

Q: How does the paper address the concern that bridge timing might reflect anticipated local growth?

A: The paper shows that results hold when restricting to counties whose distance to a bridge is only affected by bridges constructed in other counties, addressing the concern that local planners might time construction in anticipation of local growth. The results are also insensitive to controlling for pre-period trends, and outcomes of interest are uncorrelated with future changes in distance to a bridge in preferred specifications.

Q: How does the paper reconcile the negative local income effect (tributary confluence strategy) with the positive aggregate effect (timing strategy)?

A: The reconciliation proceeds through a narrative account combining industrialization, urbanization, and within-city sorting. Better bridge access drives a shift toward manufacturing employment and attracts population, consistent with a productivity advantage enabling exploitation of economies of scale. Cities form around historical transport routes. As cities mature and expand, richer households sort into lower-density suburban areas further from the historical transport corridor, while lower-income households remain near or migrate to the city centre. This within-city sorting produces lower per capita incomes near transport routes even as aggregate economic activity is higher in better-connected areas.

Q: What evidence supports the within-city sorting mechanism specifically?

A: The negative income effect of proximity to transport routes is larger in more urbanized areas and in areas with higher income inequality. The effect is concentrated in areas that were more rapidly urbanizing in the 19th century, and it is stronger for non-white and low-education populations. Upstream census tracts simultaneously show higher manufacturing employment shares and higher population densities, consistent with cities having formed around transport routes, followed by residential sorting away from the core.

Q: What are the two novel identification strategies and their broader applicability?

A: The tributary confluence strategy exploits discontinuities in bridge construction costs generated by sharp increases in river flow rates at confluences; it requires only that bridges are more likely built upstream of confluences than downstream, an asymmetry the paper shows is detectable elsewhere in the world from satellite imagery. The timing strategy exploits the multi-decade planning and construction process for major bridges as a source of near-exogenous variation in opening dates. Both strategies can be applied in other settings where major rivers form substantial barriers to land transport networks.

Q: What does the paper contribute to the debate about whether early U.S. transport infrastructure followed or led economic development?

A: The results support the view that early investments in land transport infrastructure led to meaningful changes in economic geography rather than merely following pre-existing growth patterns. However, the paper finds a moderate level of responsiveness — population density responds to bridge access over several decades, not immediately — consistent with a broader literature documenting sluggish population responses to changes in economic conditions.

Tributary confluence: A location where a smaller river (tributary) joins a larger river, causing a sharp, localized increase in downstream flow rates and therefore a discontinuous increase in bridge construction costs, generating the quasi-experimental variation in bridge location exploited in the paper.

Within-city sorting: The process by which, as cities expand around historical transport routes, richer households differentially relocate to lower-density suburban areas further from the transport corridor while lower-income households remain near or migrate to the historical city centre, reversing the income gradient at small spatial scales.

Income density: The product of population density and per capita income, corresponding to total economic activity per unit area; the paper finds income density is higher in better-connected upstream census tracts even when per capita income is lower, reflecting the dominant effect of higher population density.

Farm land values: The total value of farm land and buildings, used as the best consistently available proxy for total economic activity in the 1860–2010 historical county panel; the paper treats estimated effects on farm land values as lower bounds on effects on total economic activity because farm values increasingly miss urban land as the economy industrializes.

Structural transformation: The shift in the composition of employment away from agriculture and toward manufacturing, which the paper documents occurring in counties that experience improved bridge access, interpreted as evidence that transport infrastructure provides a productivity advantage attracting industrial activity.

Distance to a bridge (as proxy for land transport access): In the study area along the Mississippi and Ohio Rivers, where all land has comparable water access, distance to the nearest bridge strongly predicts distance to the nearest major land transport route (rail or primary road), allowing bridge distance to serve as a consistent measure of transport connectivity throughout the entire study period.

Market access: A measure of economic connectivity that captures both the state of the transport network and the size of accessible markets; the paper notes that log distance to a bridge explains 46% of the variation in market access in 1890 (from Donaldson and Hornbeck’s data) with an elasticity of approximately 0.1, and that halving distance to a bridge increases market access by approximately 7%.

The Long-Run Impacts of Public Industrial Investment on Local Development and Economic Mobility: Evidence from World War II

Mon, 01 Jan 0001 00:00:00 +0000

Overview

Research Question. Does government-led construction of large manufacturing plants in previously under-industrialized regions generate long-run improvements in regional economic development and in the lifetime earnings of the incumbent residents who were already living there at the outset? And, if so, through what mechanism — developmental improvements during childhood or expanded adult labor market opportunities?

Setting and Identification. The paper exploits the United States industrial mobilization for World War II, specifically the construction of 90 large, government-financed, newly-built manufacturing plants (each costing $10 million or more in contemporary dollars, approximately $150 million in 2020 dollars) in dispersed locations outside the major prewar manufacturing hubs. Strategic and security considerations — not economic optimization — drove the military to insist these plants be sited away from congested industrial centers. Because private firms were unwilling to finance construction in isolated locations with uncertain postwar value, the government built them directly as government-owned, contractor-operated (GOCO) facilities through the Defense Plant Corporation. Site selection within the set of sufficiently populated regions was governed by idiosyncratic, short-run factors — the immediate availability of suitable parcels, informal connections to procurement officers, and expedience — rather than systematic economic characteristics of the receiving counties. The paper documents no systematic association between publicly-funded wartime plant construction and prewar county-level economic or demographic characteristics conditional on population size, and finds parallel prewar trends and balanced outcome levels across treatment and comparison counties in all decades leading up to WWII. A placebo test using 1910-to-1940 intergenerational mobility in matched Census records confirms no differential prewar upward mobility in treatment counties.

The comparison group consists of 1,400 counties outside the 100 largest prewar manufacturing counties that did not receive large public plants. Treatment assignment for individuals is based on birth county, not adult county of residence, enabling the paper to track outcomes regardless of where individuals ultimately live.

Data. The analysis draws on the 1945 War Production Board data book for plant-level investment; county-level panels from Decennial and Economic Censuses spanning 1900–2000; the SSA NUMIDENT file (birth county and date); IRS Form 1040 individual income tax returns in 1969, 1974, 1979, and 1984 (covering wage earnings and adjusted gross income); the full-count 1940 Census (parent earnings, demographics); the 2000 Census long form (educational attainment); and W-2 earnings histories from the SSA Detailed Earnings Record matched to a CPS-linked subsample, with employer information linked to the Business Register.

Regional Effects. By 1970, counties receiving large public wartime plants had approximately 30 percent higher manufacturing employment, 20 percent larger populations, and 7–8 percent higher median family income than comparison counties. Manufacturing employment as a share of total employment rose and remained elevated through the 1970s before converging toward parity with the comparison group by 1990. Treated counties were permanently larger — with population stabilizing at a new, persistently higher equilibrium roughly 20 percent above comparison counties by end of century — even after the manufacturing employment share converged, consistent with path dependence and multiple equilibria. Average production worker pay in manufacturing rose by approximately 10 percent, closely tracking value-added per worker, while average retail wages rose by only one-third as much and were not statistically significant in most years. In the 40 years after the war, treated counties saw median family earnings increase by 5–10 percent, concentrated in higher average wages and employment shares in manufacturing and semi-skilled blue-collar occupations, with limited effects on non-manufacturing, white-collar occupations, or female individual income.

Individual Earnings Effects. Men born in treatment counties in the 18 years before the war (birth cohorts 1922–1940) earned approximately $1,200–$1,300 more per year (2020 dollars) in average wage earnings reported on 1040 returns in 1969, 1974, 1979, and 1984 — an increase of 2.5–3 percent and roughly a one-percentile rise in the national earnings distribution. Effects were largest for children of parents at the bottom of the 1939 earnings distribution: children of the lowest-income parents saw adult wage earnings rise by approximately $1,800–$2,000 per year (3–4 percent), with effects declining linearly by parent rank and effectively vanishing for children of the highest-earning parents. Black men experienced larger average earnings effects (4–6 percent, or $1,500–$2,500 in 2020 dollars) than White men (2–3 percent, or $1,000–$1,500), with the racial earnings gap estimated to have narrowed by about 2 percent in the treatment group. When examining Form 1040 returns (tax-unit level), effects are comparable for men and women, but W-2 individual earnings data from the SSA-CPS subsample show no positive effect on women’s own earnings — the 1040 effects for women are entirely driven by their husbands’ higher earnings.

Mechanism. The balance of evidence points to access to higher-wage jobs in adulthood as the primary channel, rather than developmental human capital improvements accumulated during childhood. War plants modestly increased male educational attainment — children from the lowest-earning families completed approximately one-quarter of a year more schooling and were 3 percentage points more likely to graduate high school — but education effects are too small to account for the full earnings increase. Critically, there is no gradient in earnings effects by birth cohort: children who were younger at the start of the war and therefore had longer childhood exposure to improved regions did not benefit more, contradicting a childhood exposure-effect mechanism as in Chetty and Hendren (2018b). Adult earnings effects are entirely accounted for by adult location: conditioning on 1979 county of residence eliminates the treatment effect. Stayers in treatment counties show large earnings differences relative to stayers in comparison counties, while movers show none. Men born in treatment counties are also directly documented to have worked in industries with higher wage premiums as adults, with coarse industry classification alone accounting for approximately one-third of the estimated log wage increase.

Policy Scope Conditions. The paper argues these effects are specific to the WWII postwar institutional context — high global demand for U.S. manufactured goods, limited international competition, labor-intensive production techniques, and strong union bargaining power — conditions that no longer hold. Reexamination of “million-dollar plant” openings in the 1980s and 1990s shows manufacturing employment expanded but average manufacturing wages did not increase, suggesting contemporary plant openings do not generate the same high-wage opportunities. The association between manufacturing employment density and upward mobility visible in 1950 has entirely vanished by the end of the twentieth century.

In depth

Q1. What exactly defines the treatment group, and why were these plants built by the government rather than private firms?

A: The treatment group consists of 90 counties outside the 100 largest prewar manufacturing regions that received at least one new, fully publicly-financed manufacturing plant costing $10 million or more (approximately $150 million in 2020 dollars) under the WWII industrial mobilization. Private firms refused to finance construction in dispersed, isolated locations with highly uncertain postwar value; the Air Force historians recorded that “industrialists’ reluctance to invest in dispersed plant facilities was at odds with the government’s hope that private capital could finance new inland construction.” The government built and owned these facilities as GOCO plants, operated by private firms under contract. The 353 plants meeting the cost threshold (including both large and smaller public plants) account for 70 percent of all spending on new plants during the war.

Q2. How do the authors establish that plant siting was quasi-random conditional on population size?

A: Identification rests on three forms of evidence. First, historical documents show procurement decisions were driven by idiosyncratic factors — availability of a suitable parcel, informal connections to procurement officers, short-run expedience — rather than systematic economic characteristics. Members of Congress had little ability to influence siting, and Rhode et al. (2018) find little evidence that federal politics drove the geographic distribution of wartime spending. Second, balance tests (estimating prewar county characteristics as outcomes in Equation 1) show no significant differences between treatment and comparison counties in earnings levels, demographics, manufacturing development, or industrial composition after conditioning on 1940 population, with a joint p-value of 0.30 (0.36 when also conditioning on geography and infrastructure). Third, a placebo test using children in the 1910 Census matched to the 1940 Census finds no differential economic outcomes or upward mobility rates in counties that would eventually receive treatment plants, conditional on basic region size.

Q3. What are the county-level effects on the structure of the labor market in the medium run?

A: By the 1960s–1970s, treated counties had higher predicted union coverage rates and a greater share of men in semi-skilled production occupations, driven primarily by movement away from farm work and supplemented by higher male labor force participation. Average wages in craftsperson and operator occupations rose by 8 percent in treated counties — more than double the increase in wages for high-skill professional and managerial occupations. Treated counties had 8 percent higher median male individual incomes by 1979. Effects on female median individual income were minimal, and there were no effects on female labor force participation rates.

Q4. What is the estimated magnitude of the individual earnings effects, and how do they vary by parent income?

A: Men born in treatment counties averaged $1,200–$1,300 more per year in real wage earnings (2020 dollars) on 1040 tax returns across the four observation years 1969, 1974, 1979, and 1984, a 2.5–3 percent increase equivalent to roughly one percentile in the national earnings distribution. Heterogeneity by parent rank is pronounced and monotone: children of parents at the very bottom of the 1939 earnings distribution gained approximately $2,000 per year (about 4 percent), while children of the highest-earning parents experienced no significant effect. When county weighting is equalized to eliminate the differential representation of rural (lower-income) counties, effects are roughly constant across the bottom six deciles of the parent earnings distribution and then drop steeply at the top, showing that the earnings gradient was not simply an artifact of plant openings in poorer, smaller counties.

Q5. How did effects differ by race?

A: Wartime plant construction increased annual adult earnings of Black men by 4–6 percent ($1,500–$2,500 in 2020 dollars) and of White men by 2–3 percent ($1,000–$1,500 in 2020 dollars). The racial earnings gap in the treatment group is estimated to have narrowed by about 2 percent. However, the pattern of heterogeneity by parent income differs by race: for White men, effects are largest for children of below-median parents and effectively zero for children of above-median parents. For Black men, the largest effects — 7–10 percent ($4,000–$5,000 in 2020 dollars) — accrue to children of parents with earnings above the pooled-race national median, while effects for lower-income Black families range from 3–6.5 percent, suggesting that Black workers from higher-income backgrounds particularly benefited from wartime anti-discrimination policies and the opening of previously restricted manufacturing occupations.

Q6. Why do the 1040 returns show comparable effects for men and women, while W-2 data show no effect on women’s individual earnings?

A: Form 1040 returns are filed at the tax-unit level — for married couples, they report the combined wages of both spouses. Because more than 80 percent of women in the sample are married, an increase in a husband’s earnings raises the joint 1040 figure for both spouses. The SSA-CPS subsample with individual W-2 records shows that the entire effect on men’s Form 1040 wages directly reflects increases in their own W-2 earnings, while women’s own W-2 earnings show no positive treatment effect. This finding is consistent with county-level evidence of no impact on female individual income or female labor force participation, and with Rose (2018) finding that women were almost universally excluded from manufacturing jobs after the war’s conclusion despite high wartime female manufacturing employment.

Q7. What evidence tests the developmental-effects mechanism?

A: Three tests argue against childhood developmental effects as the primary driver. First, educational attainment effects — while statistically significant for children of the lowest-income parents (approximately one-quarter of a year more schooling, 3 percentage points more likely to graduate high school) — are too small to account for the earnings increase: a Mincer-equation calculation shows that the education effects can explain less than one-half of the estimated effect on 1979 wages. Second, there is no gradient in earnings effects by birth cohort — children younger at the war’s start, who had longer post-treatment childhood exposure, did not benefit more, in direct contrast to the Chetty-Hendren childhood-exposure framework. Third, postwar in-migrants into treatment counties were not drawn from better-educated or higher-income families and did not themselves have more education than in-migrants into comparison regions, ruling out peer effects from selective in-migration.

Q8. What evidence directly implicates adult labor market access as the operative mechanism?

A: Four pieces of evidence point to contemporaneous adult labor market access. First, individuals born in treatment counties lived as adults in counties with 3–4 percent higher median male earnings and higher wages in semi-skilled blue-collar occupations but not in highly-skilled professional occupations — a pattern quantitatively consistent with the individual earnings effects. Second, the entire earnings effect is concentrated among those who remain in their birth counties: stayers in treatment counties show earnings differences of similar magnitude to county-level manufacturing wage effects, while movers show no difference compared to movers from comparison counties. Third, conditioning on 1979 county of residence eliminates the earnings effect entirely (1979 location fixed effects specification). Fourth, using W-2 data matched to the Business Register in the SSA-CPS sample, men born in treatment counties are directly shown to work in industries with higher wage premiums, with coarse industry classification alone accounting for approximately one-third of the log wage increase.

Q9. Is the persistence of regional effects driven by continued Cold War military spending at the plants?

A: No. The paper separates ordnance and ammunition plants — which predominantly became GOCO facilities or Air Force Bases after WWII and received disproportionately more Vietnam War-era defense spending — from general manufacturing plants, which overwhelmingly transitioned to privatized civilian production. Both types of plants show similarly persistent effects on manufacturing employment and comparable impacts on the long-run earnings of local children. Moreover, general manufacturing plants — which did not generate increased postwar military spending — had large permanent effects on overall population growth, while ordnance plants had smaller population effects. The persistence therefore does not appear to reflect continued federal expenditure.

Q10. What mechanism explains the permanent population effect even after manufacturing employment shares converge?

A: The authors interpret the permanent population differential — treated counties remain roughly 20 percent larger than comparison counties even at the end of the 20th century, after manufacturing employment shares converge — as evidence of path dependence and multiple equilibria. Once a region reaches a new, larger equilibrium, self-sustaining forces (expanded non-tradable employment, public infrastructure investment) maintain it. Treatment counties are more likely to have been connected to the interstate highway system in subsequent decades and show positive effects on local government capital outlays for utilities. The medium-term persistence is attributed partly to the sunk costs of site establishment (surveying, local approvals, infrastructure connections), which make reinvestment at existing sites more attractive than greenfield construction elsewhere.

Q11. Do smaller plant openings generate comparable effects?

A: No. Counties receiving smaller publicly-financed plants costing between $1 and $10 million show no detectable effects on manufacturing employment, population, median family income, or individual adult earnings comparable to those from the large plants. The authors cannot rule out the presence of small effects, but the null results for smaller plants — combined with evidence that the largest effects are in counties with the highest investment intensity per 1940 resident — are consistent with threshold effects (“big push”) in regional development, though the wide confidence intervals do not allow the authors to conclusively distinguish threshold effects from a linear-in-investment model.

Q12. What do modern “million-dollar plant” openings reveal about the contemporary relevance of these findings?

A: Reexamining plant openings from Greenstone et al. (2010) using an event-study design, the authors find that 1980s–1990s million-dollar plant openings expanded manufacturing employment (consistent with Greenstone et al.) but had no impact on average manufacturing wages — in sharp contrast to the WWII findings. Slattery and Zidar (2020) similarly find no impacts on county-level incomes for plant openings since 2000. The correlation between manufacturing employment density and upward mobility rates visible in 1950 had entirely vanished by the end of the 20th century. The authors attribute the divergent results to the changed institutional environment: contemporary production is highly automated, relies on interchangeable labor from staffing agencies, faces intense international competition, and is conducted under much weaker collective bargaining institutions.

Q13. What is the paper’s assessment of aggregate welfare implications?

A: The paper is explicit that its local estimates do not allow clean conclusions about aggregate effects. Publicly-financed plant construction in peripheral locations may have crowded out private investment that would otherwise have occurred in major manufacturing hubs. If so, the documented regional gains represent geographic reallocation of manufacturing activity rather than a net increase in the aggregate plant stock. Aggregate gains from reallocation would require that the benefits in the selected dispersed locations exceeded what would have occurred in the counterfactual locations — a plausible conjecture given the paper’s evidence that effects are larger in counties with lower prewar manufacturing employment shares and lower initial market access, but one the authors cannot demonstrate decisively.

Key Concepts

Government-Owned, Contractor-Operated (GOCO) Plants: Manufacturing facilities built and owned by a U.S. government agency (typically the Defense Plant Corporation) during WWII but built and operated by private firms under cost-plus contracts. GOCO status meant the government bore full construction risk and that post-war disposition (sale to private buyers at a fraction of construction cost, or continued GOCO operation for ordnance production) was determined by public agencies, not by the constructing firm’s investment calculus.

Place-Based Predistribution: The paper’s term for the mechanism by which wartime plant construction raised the incomes of existing residents — not through ex-post redistribution of income via taxes and transfers, but by expanding the set of high-wage employment opportunities available to incumbent workers in the region, thereby changing the pre-tax, pre-transfer wage structure facing those workers.

Adult Labor Market Access (vs. Childhood Developmental Exposure): A distinction the paper draws in explaining why children born in treated counties had higher adult earnings. The “developmental exposure” mechanism (as in Chetty and Hendren 2018b) implies benefits scale with the amount of time spent in an improved childhood environment. The “adult labor market access” mechanism means children benefit irrespective of years of childhood exposure because they can access improved local labor market conditions when they reach working age as adults — what the paper operationalizes through the finding that earnings effects are entirely accounted for by 1979 county of residence and are concentrated among individuals who remain in their birth counties.

Upward Mobility (Absolute and Relative): Following Chetty et al. (2014), the paper uses both concepts: absolute upward mobility means children from low-income backgrounds have higher lifetime earnings than comparable children in counterfactual regions; relative upward mobility means their outcomes converge toward those of children from affluent backgrounds. The paper documents both: large earnings effects for the lowest parent-income deciles, declining linearly to zero for the top deciles.

Conditional Independence (Plant Siting as Quasi-Random): The paper’s identification assumption — that among counties with observably similar population sizes and basic geographic/infrastructure characteristics, the specific choice of plant siting locations was driven by idiosyncratic, short-run factors uncorrelated with potential postwar outcomes. This is a level-balance assumption (not merely a parallel-trends assumption), required because individual outcomes are only observed in the post-period.

Industry Wage Premium: The paper uses Krueger and Summers (1988) estimates of inter-industry wage differentials (the portion of a sector’s average wage unexplained by worker characteristics) to classify adult employers of treated individuals. Finding that men born in treatment counties work at employers in higher-premium industries — with industry category alone explaining approximately one-third of the log wage increase — provides direct evidence of the adult labor market access mechanism operating through industry sorting.

Path Dependence / Multiple Equilibria in Regional Development: The paper documents that treated counties remain permanently larger in population than comparison counties even after manufacturing employment shares converge and the original plants begin to close. This self-sustaining population differential, inconsistent with a unique spatial equilibrium, is interpreted as evidence that the temporary wartime shock shifted treated regions into a permanently higher equilibrium, sustained by subsequent infrastructure investment and non-tradable sector expansion proportional to the larger population base.