<?xml version="1.0" encoding="utf-8" standalone="yes"?><rss version="2.0" xmlns:atom="http://www.w3.org/2005/Atom"><channel><title>Timothy Kehoe | Macro Paper Warehouse</title><link>https://macropaperwarehouse.com/authors/timothy-kehoe/</link><description>Timothy Kehoe</description><generator>Hugo -- gohugo.io</generator><language>en-us</language><atom:link href="https://macropaperwarehouse.com/authors/timothy-kehoe/index.xml" rel="self" type="application/rss+xml"/><item><title>Self-Fulfilling Debt Crises</title><link>https://macropaperwarehouse.com/papers/self-fulfilling-debt-crises/</link><guid>https://macropaperwarehouse.com/papers/self-fulfilling-debt-crises/</guid><description>&lt;p&gt;The paper builds a dynamic, stochastic general equilibrium model in which a government that cannot commit to repay must roll one-period debt over each period, and uses it to answer two questions: when is a purely belief-driven default possible, and what should a government do about the risk. The mechanism is a liquidity crunch: because the government issues new debt before retiring the old, &amp;ldquo;the liquidity crunch induced by the inability to sell new debt can lead to a self-fulfilling default,&amp;rdquo; so if lenders refuse to buy at any positive price the government may find default optimal, confirming their refusal. The answer to the first question is the paper&amp;rsquo;s central object, the &lt;em&gt;crisis zone&lt;/em&gt;: if fundamentals &amp;ndash; &amp;ldquo;the level of the government&amp;rsquo;s debt, its maturity structure, and the private capital stock&amp;rdquo; &amp;ndash; lie in a particular range, &amp;ldquo;the probability of default is determined by the beliefs of market participants.&amp;rdquo; The zone is bounded below by the largest debt the government would still repay even with no access to new borrowing (the no-lending condition) and above by the largest debt consistent with repayment when it can borrow (the participation constraint). Crises are coordinated by a sunspot uniform on [0,1], whose cutoff is simultaneously the crisis probability, and the consequences inside the zone are real rather than merely financial: consumers, anticipating a crisis with probability π, set a capital stock satisfying β&lt;a href="1%e2%88%92%ce%b8"&gt;(1−π)+πα&lt;/a&gt;f′(k^π) = 1, so &amp;ldquo;the country&amp;rsquo;s economic activity is depressed in proportion to the probability that a crisis will take place,&amp;rdquo; while bankers pay only β(1−π) per unit of debt. The answer to the second question is that only preemptive policy works. Reacting once a crisis has begun is useless: pegging the interest rate on government debt, as Calvo (1988) suggested, &amp;ldquo;simply results in a refusal of the private agents to buy government debt,&amp;rdquo; and lengthening the maturity of the debt &lt;em&gt;being issued&lt;/em&gt; is irrelevant to a crisis today because &amp;ldquo;it is the maturity structure of the prevailing debt, and not that of the debt being issued, that determines whether or not a crisis is possible.&amp;rdquo; What does work is reducing the debt below the crisis-zone floor &amp;ndash; which triggers &amp;ldquo;an investment boom in period T−1&amp;rdquo; and, in period T, rising consumption and government spending &amp;ndash; or lengthening maturity in advance, for which Proposition 4 shows that for any debt level in the zone there is a maturity long enough to preclude crises. Two results cut against intuition. Making default costlier raises both bounds of the zone without necessarily closing it, so &amp;ldquo;the consequences of the acquisition of some additional credibility can be to make the effects of a crisis much worse.&amp;rdquo; And the governments most exposed are the well-behaved ones: &amp;ldquo;a government that cares sufficiently more about private than government consumption or is sufficiently farsighted is guaranteed to have a crisis zone.&amp;rdquo; The model is motivated by Mexico in 1994-95, where the debt/GDP ratio looked responsible but average maturity had become very short, and where the government could sell neither dollar-indexed tesobonos nor peso debt &amp;ndash; a pattern &amp;ldquo;hard to explain on the basis of currency risk, but easy to explain on the basis of default risk.&amp;rdquo;&lt;/p&gt;</description></item></channel></rss>