<?xml version="1.0" encoding="utf-8" standalone="yes"?><rss version="2.0" xmlns:atom="http://www.w3.org/2005/Atom"><channel><title>Edoardo Teso | Macro Paper Warehouse</title><link>https://macropaperwarehouse.com/authors/edoardo-teso/</link><description>Edoardo Teso</description><generator>Hugo -- gohugo.io</generator><language>en-us</language><atom:link href="https://macropaperwarehouse.com/authors/edoardo-teso/index.xml" rel="self" type="application/rss+xml"/><item><title>Politics at Work</title><link>https://macropaperwarehouse.com/papers/politics-at-work/</link><guid>https://macropaperwarehouse.com/papers/politics-at-work/</guid><description>&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Research Question&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Do individual political views shape firm behavior and labor market outcomes in the private sector? Specifically, do business owners sort copartisan workers into their firms, and does employers&amp;rsquo; political discrimination drive this sorting?&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Data and Setting&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The paper studies the complete Brazilian formal labor market over 2002–2019, assembling a novel longitudinal worker-firm-owner-party matched dataset from three administrative sources: (1) RAIS (Relação Anual de Informações Sociais), the universe of formal-sector workers (87 million unique workers, 7.6 million unique firms); (2) the Receita Federal do Brazil (RFB) and Cadastro Nacional de Empresas (CNE), containing business ownership structures for all registered firms; and (3) the Tribunal Superior Eleitoral (TSE) registry of all party members (19.3 million individuals) over 2002–2019. Matching these sources yields political affiliation for 11.4% of all private-sector owners and 7.8% of all private-sector workers in the sample. Party affiliation in Brazil requires an active registration step and is interpreted as a signal of strong and visible political views, distinguishing affiliated from unaffiliated individuals who likely hold milder views. The 35 parties in the sample are highly fragmented; the top 7 account for nearly 70% of all party members.&lt;/p&gt;</description></item><item><title>State Capacity as an Organizational Problem</title><link>https://macropaperwarehouse.com/papers/state-capacity-as-an-organizational-problem/</link><guid>https://macropaperwarehouse.com/papers/state-capacity-as-an-organizational-problem/</guid><description>&lt;p&gt;Mastrorocco and Teso study how the internal organization of a state evolves during national development, framing state capacity as an organizational — specifically a principal-agent — problem. Using a new micro-database covering the U.S. federal bureaucracy from 1817 to 1905, they ask: once rulers have incentives to build a state apparatus, how do they organize it to perform its functions across a vast territory, and what drives transitions between organizational forms?&lt;/p&gt;</description></item></channel></rss>